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Muammar Kadafi

Muammar Gaddafi

Muammar Muhammad Abu Minyar al-Gaddafi [b] ( c.  1942  - 20 de outubro de 2011) foi um revolucionário, político e teórico político líbio. Ele foi o líder de fato da Líbia de 1969 a 2011, primeiro como Presidente Revolucionário da República Árabe da Líbia de 1969 a 1977 e depois como o " Líder Fraternal " da Grande Jamahiriya Árabe Popular Socialista da Líbia de 1977 a 2011. Inicialmente comprometido ideologicamente ao nacionalismo árabe e ao socialismo árabe , ele governou mais tarde de acordo com sua própria Terceira Teoria Internacional .

Muammar Kadafi
معمر القذافي
Moamer el Gadafi (cropped).jpg
Gaddafi, retratado logo após sua tomada do poder, em uma visita à Iugoslávia em 1970
Líder fraterno e guia da Revolução da Líbia
No cargo
2 de março de 1979 - 20 de outubro de 2011 [a]
Presidente
primeiro ministro
Precedido por Posição estabelecida
Sucedido por Posição abolida
Presidente do Conselho de Comando Revolucionário da Líbia
No cargo
1 de setembro de 1969 - 2 de março de 1977
primeiro ministro
Precedido por Idris I (como rei da Líbia)
Sucedido por Ele mesmo (como secretário-geral do GPC)
Secretário-Geral da Assembleia Geral do Povo
No cargo
2 de março de 1977 - 2 de março de 1979
primeiro ministro Abdul Ati al-Obeidi
Precedido por Ele mesmo (como presidente do RCC)
Sucedido por Abdul Ati al-Obeidi
Primeiro-ministro da Líbia
No cargo
16 de janeiro de 1970 - 16 de julho de 1972
Precedido por Mahmud Suleiman Maghribi
Sucedido por Abdessalam Jalloud
Presidente da União Africana
No cargo
de 2 de fevereiro de 2009 a 31 de janeiro de 2010
Precedido por Jakaya Kikwete
Sucedido por Bingu wa Mutharika
Detalhes pessoais
Nascer
Muammar Muhammad Abu Minyar al-Gaddafi

c. 1942
Qasr Abu Hadi , Sirte , Líbia italiana
Faleceu 20 de outubro de 2011 (2011-10-20)(68-69 anos)
Sirte , Líbia Árabe Jamahiriya (agora Líbia )
Causa da morte Ferimento de bala
Lugar de descanso Em um local desconhecido no deserto da Líbia
Nacionalidade líbio
Political party Arab Socialist Union (1971–1977)
Independent (1977–2011)
Spouse(s)
  • Fatiha al-Nuri
    ( m. 1969; div. 1970)
  • ( m. 1970)
Children 10
Sons (8)
Daughters (2)
Residence(s) Bab al-Azizia
Alma mater
Signature
Military service
Allegiance
Branch/service Libyan Army
Years of service 1961–2011
Rank Colonel
Commands Libyan Armed Forces
Battles/wars

Nascido perto de Sirte , na Líbia italiana , em uma família beduína pobre , Gaddafi tornou-se um nacionalista árabe enquanto estudava em Sabha , mais tarde se matriculando na Real Academia Militar de Benghazi . Dentro das forças armadas, ele fundou um grupo revolucionário que depôs a monarquia Senussi de Idris , apoiada pelo Ocidente, em um golpe de 1969 . Tendo tomado o poder, Gaddafi converteu a Líbia em uma república governada por seu Conselho de Comando Revolucionário . Governando por decreto , ele deportou a população italiana da Líbiae expulsou suas bases militares ocidentais. Fortalecendo os laços com os governos nacionalistas árabes – particularmente o Egito de Gamal Abdel Nasser – ele defendeu, sem sucesso , a união política pan-árabe . Modernista islâmico , ele introduziu a sharia como base do sistema legal e promoveu o " socialismo islâmico ". Ele nacionalizou a indústria do petróleo e usou as crescentes receitas do Estado para apoiar os militares, financiar revolucionários estrangeiros e implementar programas sociais com ênfase em projetos de construção de casas, saúde e educação. Em 1973, iniciou uma " Revolução Popular " com a formação dos Congressos Populares de Base , apresentados como um sistema dedirect democracy, but retained personal control over major decisions. He outlined his Third International Theory that year in The Green Book.

Gaddafi transformed Libya into a new socialist state called a Jamahiriya ("state of the masses") in 1977. He officially adopted a symbolic role in governance but remained head of both the military and the Revolutionary Committees responsible for policing and suppressing dissent. During the 1970s and 1980s, Libya's unsuccessful border conflicts with Egypt and Chad, support for foreign militants, and alleged responsibility for the Lockerbie bombing in Scotland left it increasingly isolated on the world stage. A particularly hostile relationship developed with Israel, the United States and the United Kingdom, resulting in the 1986 U.S. bombing of Libya and United Nations–imposed economic sanctions. From 1999, Gaddafi shunned pan-Arabism, and encouraged pan-Africanism and rapprochement with Western nations; he was Chairperson of the African Union from 2009 to 2010. Amid the 2011 Arab Spring, protests against widespread corruption and unemployment broke out in eastern Libya. The situation descended into civil war, in which NATO intervened militarily on the side of the anti-Gaddafist National Transitional Council (NTC). Gaddafi's government was overthrown; he retreated to Sirte, only to be captured and killed by NTC militants.

A highly divisive figure, Gaddafi dominated Libya's politics for four decades and was the subject of a pervasive cult of personality. He was decorated with various awards and praised for his anti-imperialist stance, support for Arab—and then African—unity, as well as for significant development to the country following the discovery of oil reserves. Conversely, many Libyans strongly opposed Gaddafi's social and economic reforms; he was posthumously accused of sexual abuse, torturing and killing his own people. He was condemned by many as a dictator whose authoritarian administration systematically violated human rights and financed global terrorism in the region and abroad.

Early life

Childhood: 1940s to 1950

Muammar Mohammed Abu Minyar al-Gaddafi[13] was born near Qasr Abu Hadi, a rural area outside the town of Sirte in the deserts of Tripolitania, western Libya.[14] His family came from a small, relatively uninfluential tribal group called the Qadhadhfa,[15] who were Arab in heritage. His mother was named Aisha bin Niran (died 1978), and his father, Mohammad Abdul Salam bin Hamed bin Mohammad, was known as Abu Meniar (died 1985); the latter earned a meagre subsistence as a goat and camel herder.[16] Claims have been made that his maternal grandmother was a Jew who converted to Islam.[17]

Like other contemporary nomadic Bedouin tribes, the family were illiterate and did not keep any birth records.[18] Many biographers have used 7 June; however, his birthday is not known with certainty and sources have set it in 1942 or the spring of 1943,[18] although his biographers David Blundy and Andrew Lycett noted that it could have been pre-1940.[19] Gaddafi had three older sisters and is the only son of his parents.[18] Gaddafi's upbringing in Bedouin culture influenced his personal tastes for the rest of his life; he preferred the desert over the city and would retreat there to meditate.[20]

From childhood, Gaddafi was aware of the involvement of European colonial powers in Libya; his nation was occupied by Italy, and during the North African Campaign of the Second World War it witnessed conflict between Italian and British forces.[21] According to later claims, Gaddafi's paternal grandfather, Abdessalam Bouminyar, was killed by the Italian Army during the Italian invasion of 1911.[22] At the end of the Second World War in 1945, Libya was occupied by British and French forces. Britain and France considered dividing the nation between their empires, but the General Assembly of the United Nations (UN) decided that the country was to be granted political independence,[23] and in 1951 created the United Kingdom of Libya, a federal state under the leadership of a pro-Western monarch, Idris, who banned political parties and centralized power in his own hands.[23]

Education and political activism: 1950–1963

Gaddafi's earliest education was of a religious nature, imparted by a local Islamic teacher.[24] Subsequently, moving to nearby Sirte to attend elementary school, he progressed through six grades in four years.[25] Education in Libya was not free, but his father thought it would greatly benefit his son despite the financial strain. During the week Gaddafi slept in a mosque, and at weekends walked 20 miles (32 km) to visit his parents.[26] At school, Gaddafi was bullied for being a Bedouin, but was proud of his identity and encouraged pride in other Bedouin children.[25] From Sirte, he and his family moved to the market town of Sabha in Fezzan, south-central Libya, where his father worked as a caretaker for a tribal leader while Muammar attended secondary school, something neither parent had done.[27] Gaddafi was popular at this school; some friends made there received significant jobs in his later administration, most notably his best friend, Abdul Salam Jalloud.[28]

Egyptian President Nasser was Gaddafi's political hero.

Many teachers at Sabha were Egyptian, and for the first time, Gaddafi had access to pan-Arab newspapers and radio broadcasts, especially the Cairo-based Voice of the Arabs.[29] Growing up, Gaddafi witnessed significant events rock the Arab world, including the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, the Egyptian Revolution of 1952, the Suez Crisis of 1956, and the short-lived existence of the United Arab Republic (UAR) between 1958 and 1961.[30] Gaddafi admired the political changes implemented in the Arab Republic of Egypt under his hero, President Gamal Abdel Nasser. Nasser argued for Arab nationalism; the rejection of Western colonialism, neo-colonialism, and Zionism; and a transition from capitalism to socialism.[31] Gaddafi was influenced by Nasser's book, Philosophy of the Revolution, which outlined how to initiate a coup.[32] One of Gaddafi's Egyptian teachers, Mahmoud Efay, was reportedly sympathetic towards the youth's political ideas, and advised him that a successful revolution would need the support of the army.[33]

Gaddafi organized demonstrations and distributed posters criticizing the monarchy.[34] In October 1961, he led a demonstration protesting against Syria's secession from the UAR, and raised funds to send cables of support to Nasser. Twenty students were arrested as a result of the disorder. Gaddafi and his companions also broke windows in a local hotel that was accused of serving alcohol. To punish Gaddafi, the authorities expelled him and his family from Sabha.[35] Gaddafi moved to Misrata, there attending Misrata Secondary School.[36] Maintaining his interest in Arab nationalist activism, he refused to join any of the banned political parties active in the city—including the Arab Nationalist Movement, the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party, and the Muslim Brotherhood—claiming that he rejected factionalism.[37] He read voraciously on the subjects of Nasser and the French Revolution of 1789, as well as the works of the Syrian political theorist Michel Aflaq and biographies of Abraham Lincoln, Sun Yat-sen, and Mustafa Kemal Atatürk.[37]

Military training: 1963–1966

Gaddafi briefly studied history at the University of Libya in Benghazi before dropping out to join the military.[38] Despite his police record, in 1963 he began training at the Royal Military Academy, Benghazi, alongside several like-minded friends from Misrata. The armed forces offered the only opportunity for upward social mobility for underprivileged Libyans, and Gaddafi recognized it as a potential instrument of political change.[39] Under Idris, Libya's armed forces were trained by the British military; this angered Gaddafi, who viewed the British as imperialists, and accordingly, he refused to learn English and was rude to the British officers, ultimately failing his exams.[40] British trainers reported him for insubordination and abusive behaviour, stating their suspicion that he was involved in the assassination of the military academy's commander in 1963. Such reports were ignored, and Gaddafi quickly progressed through the course.[41]

With a group of loyal cadres, in 1964 Gaddafi established the Central Committee of the Free Officers Movement, a revolutionary group named after Nasser's Egyptian predecessor. Led by Gaddafi, they met secretively and were organized into a clandestine cell system, pooling their salaries into a single fund.[42] Gaddafi travelled around Libya collecting intelligence and developing connections with sympathizers, but the government's intelligence services ignored him, considering him little threat.[43] Graduating in August 1965,[44] Gaddafi became a communications officer in the army's signal corps.[45]

In April 1966, he was assigned to the United Kingdom for further training; over nine months he underwent an English-language course at Beaconsfield, Buckinghamshire, an Army Air Corps signal instructors course in Bovington Camp, Dorset, and an infantry signal instructors course at Hythe, Kent.[46] Despite later rumours to the contrary, he did not attend the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst.[43] The Bovington signal course's director reported that Gaddafi successfully overcame problems learning English, displaying a firm command of voice procedure. Noting that Gaddafi's favourite hobbies were reading and playing football, he thought him an "amusing officer, always cheerful, hard-working, and conscientious".[47] Gaddafi disliked England, claiming British Army officers had racially insulted him and finding it difficult adjusting to the country's culture; asserting his Arab identity in London, he walked around Piccadilly wearing traditional Libyan robes.[48] He later related that while he travelled to England believing it more advanced than Libya, he returned home "more confident and proud of our values, ideals and social character".[49]

Libyan Arab Republic

Coup d'état: 1969

People of Libya! In response to your own will, fulfilling your most heartfelt wishes, answering your most incessant demands for change and regeneration, and your longing to strive towards these ends: listening to your incitement to rebel, your armed forces have undertaken the overthrow of the corrupt regime, the stench of which has sickened and horrified us all. At a single blow our gallant army has toppled these idols and has destroyed their images. By a single stroke it has lightened the long dark night in which the Turkish domination was followed first by Italian rule, then by this reactionary and decadent regime which was no more than a hotbed of extortion, faction, treachery and treason.

—Gaddafi's radio speech after seizing power, 1969[50]

Idris' government was increasingly unpopular by the latter 1960s; it had exacerbated Libya's traditional regional and tribal divisions by centralizing the country's federal system to take advantage of the country's oil wealth.[51] Corruption and entrenched systems of patronage were widespread throughout the oil industry.[52] Arab nationalism was increasingly popular, and protests flared up following Egypt's 1967 defeat in the Six-Day War with Israel; Idris' administration was seen as pro-Israeli due to its alliance with the Western powers.[53] Anti-Western riots broke out in Tripoli and Benghazi, while Libyan workers shut down oil terminals in solidarity with Egypt.[53] By 1969, the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) was expecting segments of Libya's armed forces to launch a coup. Although claims have been made that they knew of Gaddafi's Free Officers Movement, they have since claimed ignorance, stating that they were instead monitoring Abdul Aziz Shalhi's Black Boots revolutionary group.[54]

In mid-1969, Idris travelled abroad to spend the summer in Turkey and Greece. Gaddafi's Free Officers recognized this as their chance to overthrow the monarchy, initiating "Operation Jerusalem".[55] On 1 September, they occupied airports, police depots, radio stations, and government offices in Tripoli and Benghazi. Gaddafi took control of the Berka barracks in Benghazi, while Omar Meheishi occupied Tripoli barracks and Jalloud seized the city's anti-aircraft batteries. Khweldi Hameidi was sent to arrest crown prince Sayyid Hasan ar-Rida al-Mahdi as-Sanussi and force him to relinquish his claim to the throne.[56] They met no serious resistance and wielded little violence against the monarchists.[57]

Once Gaddafi removed the monarchical government, he announced the foundation of the Libyan Arab Republic.[58] Addressing the populace by radio, he proclaimed an end to the "reactionary and corrupt" regime, "the stench of which has sickened and horrified us all".[59] Due to the coup's bloodless nature, it was initially labelled the "White Revolution", although was later renamed the "One September Revolution" after the date on which it occurred.[60] Gaddafi insisted that the Free Officers' coup represented a revolution, marking the start of widespread change in the socio-economic and political nature of Libya.[61] He proclaimed that the revolution meant "freedom, socialism, and unity", and over the coming years implemented measures to achieve this.[62]

Consolidating leadership: 1969–1973

The 12 member central committee of the Free Officers proclaimed themselves the Revolutionary Command Council (RCC), the government of the new republic.[63] Lieutenant Gaddafi became RCC chairman, and therefore the de facto head of state, also appointing himself to the rank of colonel and becoming commander-in-chief of the armed forces.[64] Jalloud became Prime Minister,[65] while a civilian Council of Ministers headed by Sulaiman Maghribi was founded to implement RCC policy.[66] Libya's administrative capital was moved from al-Beida to Tripoli.[67]

The flag of republican Libya used by Gaddafi's government from 1969 to 1972

Although theoretically a collegial body operating through consensus building, Gaddafi dominated the RCC.[60] Some of the others attempted to constrain what they saw as his excesses.[68] Gaddafi remained the government's public face, with the identities of the other RCC members only being publicly revealed on 10 January 1970.[69] All young men from (typically rural) working and middle-class backgrounds, none had university degrees; in this way they were distinct from the wealthy, highly educated conservatives who previously governed the country.[70]

The coup completed, the RCC proceeded with their intentions of consolidating the revolutionary government and modernizing the country.[60] They purged monarchists and members of Idris' Senussi clan from Libya's political world and armed forces; Gaddafi believed this elite were opposed to the will of the Libyan people and had to be expunged.[71] "People's Courts" were founded to try various monarchist politicians and journalists, many of whom were imprisoned, although none executed. Idris was sentenced to execution in absentia.[72]

In May 1970, the Revolutionary Intellectuals Seminar was held to bring intellectuals in line with the revolution,[73] while that year's Legislative Review and Amendment united secular and religious law codes, introducing sharia into the legal system.[74]Ruling by decree, the RCC maintained the monarchy's ban on political parties, in May 1970 banned trade unions, and in 1972 outlawed workers' strikes and suspended newspapers.[75] In September 1971, Gaddafi resigned, claiming to be dissatisfied with the pace of reform, but returned to his position within a month.[65] In February 1973, he resigned again, once more returning the following month.[76]

Economic and social reform

Gaddafi at an Arab summit in Libya in 1969, shortly after the September Revolution that toppled King Idris I. Gaddafi sits in military uniform in the middle, surrounded by Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser (left) and Syrian President Nureddin al-Atassi (right).

A política econômica inicial do RCC foi caracterizada como sendo de orientação capitalista de estado . [77] Muitas iniciativas foram estabelecidas para ajudar os empresários e desenvolver uma burguesia líbia. [78] Buscando expandir a área cultivável na Líbia, em setembro de 1969 o governo lançou uma "Revolução Verde" para aumentar a produtividade agrícola para que a Líbia pudesse depender menos de alimentos importados. [79] A esperança era tornar a Líbia autossuficiente na produção de alimentos. [80] Todas as terras que haviam sido expropriadas de colonos italianos ou que não estavam em uso foram recuperadas e redistribuídas. [81]Os sistemas de irrigação foram estabelecidos ao longo da costa norte e em torno de vários oásis do interior. [82] Os custos de produção muitas vezes ultrapassaram o valor do produto e, portanto, a produção agrícola da Líbia permaneceu em déficit, dependendo fortemente de subsídios estatais. [83]

With crude oil as the country's primary export, Gaddafi sought to improve Libya's oil sector.[84] In October 1969, he proclaimed the current trade terms unfair, benefiting foreign corporations more than the Libyan state, and threatened to decrease production. In December Jalloud successfully increased the price of Libyan oil.[85] In 1970, other OPEC states followed suit, leading to a global increase in the price of crude oil.[84] The RCC followed with the Tripoli Agreement of 20 March 1971, in which they secured income tax, back-payments and better pricing from the oil corporations; these measures brought Libya an estimated $1 billion in additional revenues in its first year.[86]

Increasing state control over the oil sector, the RCC began a program of nationalization, starting with the expropriation of British Petroleum's share of the British Petroleum-N.B. Hunt Sahir Field in December 1971.[87] In September 1973, it was announced that all foreign oil producers active in Libya were to see 51 per cent of their operation nationalized, including the stake of Nelson Bunker Hunt, son of H.L. Hunt, who had played a key role in the discovery of oil in Libya.[88] Among the companies that were partially nationalized was Armand Hammer's Occidental Petroleum.[89][90] For Gaddafi, this was an essential step towards socialism.[91] It proved an economic success; while gross domestic product had been $3.8 billion in 1969, it had risen to $13.7 billion in 1974, and $24.5 billion in 1979.[92] In turn, the Libyans' standard of life greatly improved over the first decade of Gaddafi's administration, and by 1979 the average per-capita income was at $8,170, up from $40 in 1951; this was above the average of many industrialized countries like Italy and the UK.[92] In 1969, the government also declared that all foreign owned banks must either close down or convert to joint-stock operations.[93]

In 1971, Egypt's Anwar Sadat, Libya's Gaddafi and Syria's Hafez al-Assad signed an agreement to form a federal Union of Arab Republics. The agreement never materialized into a federal union between the three Arab states.

The RCC implemented measures for social reform, adopting sharia as a basis.[94] The consumption of alcohol was prohibited, night clubs and Christian churches were shut down, traditional Libyan dress was encouraged, and Arabic was decreed as the only language permitted in official communications and on road signs.[95] The RCC doubled the minimum wage, introduced statutory price controls, and implemented compulsory rent reductions of between 30 and 40 per cent.[96] Gaddafi also wanted to combat the strict social restrictions that had been imposed on women by the previous regime, establishing the Revolutionary Women's Formation to encourage reform.[97] In 1970, a law was introduced affirming equality of the sexes and insisting on wage parity.[98] In 1971, Gaddafi sponsored the creation of a Libyan General Women's Federation.[99] In 1972, a law was passed criminalizing the marriage of any females under the age of sixteen and ensuring that a woman's consent was a necessary prerequisite for a marriage.[98] Gaddafi's regime opened up a wide range of educational and employment opportunities for women, although these primarily benefited a minority in the urban middle-classes.[98]

De 1969 a 1973, usou o dinheiro do petróleo para financiar programas de bem-estar social, que levaram a projetos de construção de casas e melhorias na saúde e na educação. [100] A construção de casas tornou-se uma grande prioridade social, projetada para eliminar os sem-teto e substituir as favelas criadas pela crescente urbanização da Líbia. [96] O setor de saúde também foi ampliado; em 1978, a Líbia tinha 50% mais hospitais do que em 1968, enquanto o número de médicos havia aumentado de 700 para mais de 3.000 naquela década. [101] A malária foi erradicada e o tracoma e a tuberculose bastante reduzidos. [101]A escolaridade obrigatória foi ampliada de 6 para 9 anos, ao mesmo tempo em que foram introduzidos programas de alfabetização de adultos e educação universitária gratuita. [102] A Universidade de Beida foi fundada, enquanto a Universidade de Tripoli e a Universidade de Benghazi foram expandidas. [102] Ao fazê-lo, o governo ajudou a integrar as camadas mais pobres da sociedade líbia no sistema educacional. [103] Por meio dessas medidas, o RCC expandiu muito o setor público , proporcionando emprego para milhares. [100] Esses primeiros programas sociais se mostraram populares na Líbia. [104]Essa popularidade deveu-se em parte ao carisma pessoal de Gaddafi, à juventude e ao status de oprimido como beduíno, bem como à sua retórica enfatizando seu papel como sucessor do combatente anti-italiano Omar Mukhtar . [105]

Para combater as fortes divisões regionais e tribais do país, o RCC promoveu a ideia de uma identidade pan-líbia unificada. [106] Ao fazê-lo, tentaram desacreditar os líderes tribais como agentes do antigo regime e, em agosto de 1971, um tribunal militar de Sabha julgou muitos deles por atividade contra-revolucionária. [106] As fronteiras administrativas de longa data foram redesenhadas, cruzando as fronteiras tribais, enquanto os modernizadores pró-revolucionários substituíram os líderes tradicionais, mas as comunidades que serviam muitas vezes os rejeitavam. [107] Percebendo os fracassos dos modernizadores, Gaddafi criou a União Socialista Árabe (ASU) em junho de 1971, um partido de vanguarda de mobilização de massas do qual era presidente. [108]A ASU reconheceu o RCC como sua "Suprema Autoridade Líder" e foi projetada para promover o entusiasmo revolucionário em todo o país. [109] Permaneceu fortemente burocrático e não conseguiu mobilizar o apoio em massa da maneira que Gaddafi havia imaginado. [110]

Relações Estrangeiras

Gaddafi (à esquerda) com o presidente egípcio Nasser em 1969. Nasser descreveu Gaddafi em particular como "um bom menino, mas terrivelmente ingênuo". [111]

A influência do nacionalismo árabe de Nasser sobre o RCC foi imediatamente aparente. [112] A administração foi instantaneamente reconhecida pelos regimes nacionalistas árabes vizinhos no Egito, Síria, Iraque e Sudão, [113] com o Egito enviando especialistas para ajudar o inexperiente RCC. [114] Gaddafi propôs ideias pan-árabes , proclamando a necessidade de um único estado árabe que se estendesse pelo norte da África e Oriente Médio. [115] Em dezembro de 1969, a Líbia assinou a Carta de Trípoli ao lado do Egito e do Sudão. Isso estabeleceu a Frente Revolucionária Árabe, uma união pan-nacional concebida como um primeiro passo para a eventual unificação política das três nações. [116]Em 1970, a Síria declarou sua intenção de aderir. [117]

Nasser died unexpectedly in September 1970, with Gaddafi playing a prominent role at his funeral.[118] Nasser was succeeded by Anwar Sadat, who suggested that rather than creating a unified state, the Arab states should create a political federation, implemented in April 1971; in doing so, Egypt, Syria, and Sudan received large grants of Libyan oil money.[119] In February 1972, Gaddafi and Sadat signed an unofficial charter of merger, but it was never implemented because relations broke down the following year. Sadat became increasingly wary of Libya's radical direction, and the September 1973 deadline for implementing the Federation passed by with no action taken.[120]

After the 1969 coup, representatives of the Four Powers—France, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the Soviet Union—were called to meet RCC representatives.[121] The UK and the US quickly extended diplomatic recognition, hoping to secure the position of their military bases in Libya and fearing further instability. Hoping to ingratiate themselves with Gaddafi, in 1970 the US informed him of at least one planned counter-coup.[122] Such attempts to form a working relationship with the RCC failed; Gaddafi was determined to reassert national sovereignty and expunge what he described as foreign colonial and imperialist influences. His administration insisted that the US and the UK remove their military bases from Libya, with Gaddafi proclaiming that "the armed forces which rose to express the people's revolution [will not] tolerate living in their shacks while the bases of imperialism exist in Libyan territory." The British left in March and the Americans in June 1970.[123]

Movendo-se para reduzir a influência italiana, em outubro de 1970, todos os ativos de propriedade italiana foram expropriados e a comunidade italiana de 12.000 pessoas foi expulsa da Líbia ao lado da comunidade menor de judeus líbios . O dia tornou-se um feriado nacional conhecido como "Dia da Vingança". [124] A Itália reclamou que isso violava o Tratado Ítalo-Líbio de 1956, embora não houvesse sanções da ONU. [125] Com o objetivo de reduzir o poder da OTAN no Mediterrâneo, em 1971 a Líbia solicitou que Maltadeixar de permitir que a OTAN use suas terras para uma base militar, oferecendo, por sua vez, ajuda externa a Malta. Comprometido, o governo de Malta continuou permitindo que a OTAN usasse a ilha, mas apenas com a condição de que a OTAN não a usasse para lançar ataques em território árabe. [126] Ao longo da próxima década, o governo de Gaddafi desenvolveu laços políticos e econômicos mais fortes com a administração maltesa de Dom Mintoff , e sob a insistência da Líbia, Malta não renovou as bases aéreas do Reino Unido na ilha em 1980. [127] Orquestrando um reforço militar , o RCC começou a comprar armas da França e da União Soviética. [128] A relação comercial com este último levou a uma relação cada vez mais tensa com os EUA, que então se engajavam noGuerra Fria com os soviéticos. [129]

Um noticiário britânico anti-Kadafist de 1973, incluindo uma entrevista com Gaddafi sobre seu apoio a militantes estrangeiros

Gaddafi foi especialmente crítico dos EUA devido ao seu apoio a Israel e ficou do lado dos palestinos no conflito israelense-palestino , vendo a criação do Estado de Israel em 1948 como uma ocupação colonial ocidental imposta ao mundo árabe . [130] Ele acreditava que a violência palestina contra alvos israelenses e ocidentais era a resposta justificada de um povo oprimido que lutava contra a colonização de sua terra natal. [131] Conclamando os estados árabes a travarem uma "guerra contínua" contra Israel, em 1970 ele iniciou um Fundo Jihad para financiar militantes anti-israelenses. [132] Em junho de 1972, Gaddafi criou o Primeiro Centro de Voluntários Nasseritas para treinar guerrilheiros anti-israelenses.[133]

Like Nasser, Gaddafi favoured the Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat and his group, Fatah, over more militant and Marxist Palestinian groups.[134] As the years progressed however, Gaddafi's relationship with Arafat became strained, with Gaddafi considering him too moderate and calling for more violent action.[135] Instead, he supported militias like the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command, the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, As-Sa'iqa, the Palestinian Popular Struggle Front, and the Abu Nidal Organization.[136] He funded the Black September Organization whose members perpetrated the 1972 Munich massacre of Israeli athletes in West Germany and had the killed militants' bodies flown to Libya for a hero's funeral.[137]

Gaddafi financially supported other militant groups across the world, including the Black Panther Party, the Nation of Islam, the Tupamaros, the 19th of April Movement and the Sandinista National Liberation Front in Nicaragua, the ANC among other liberation movements in the fight against Apartheid in South Africa, the Provisional Irish Republican Army, ETA, Action directe, the Red Brigades, and the Red Army Faction in Europe, and the Armenian Secret Army, the Japanese Red Army, the Free Aceh Movement, and the Moro National Liberation Front in the Philippines. Gaddafi was indiscriminate in the causes which he funded, sometimes switching from supporting one side in a conflict to the other, as in the Eritrean War of Independence.[138] Throughout the 1970s these groups received financial support from Libya, which came to be seen as a leader in the Third World's struggle against colonialism and neocolonialism.[139] Though many of these groups were labelled "terrorists" by critics of their activities, Gaddafi rejected this characterization, instead considering them to be revolutionaries who were engaged in liberation struggles.[140]

The "Popular Revolution": 1973–1977

Gaddafi with Romanian communist leader Nicolae Ceaușescu in Bucharest, Romania 1974

On 16 April 1973, Gaddafi proclaimed the start of a "Popular Revolution" in a speech at Zuwarah.[141] He initiated this with a five-point plan, the first point of which dissolved all existing laws, to be replaced by revolutionary enactments. The second point proclaimed that all opponents of the revolution had to be removed, while the third initiated an administrative revolution that Gaddafi proclaimed would remove all traces of bureaucracy and the bourgeoisie. The fourth point announced that the population must form People's Committees and be armed to defend the revolution, while the fifth proclaimed the beginning of a cultural revolution to expunge Libya of "poisonous" foreign influences.[142] He began to lecture on this new phase of the revolution in Libya, Egypt, and France.[143] As a process, it had many similarities with the Cultural Revolution implemented in China.[144]

Como parte dessa Revolução Popular, Gaddafi convidou o povo da Líbia a fundar Comitês Populares Gerais como canais para aumentar a consciência política. Apesar de oferecer pouca orientação sobre como criar esses conselhos, Kadafi afirmou que eles ofereceriam uma forma de participação política direta mais democrática do que um sistema representativo tradicional baseado em partidos . Ele esperava que os conselhos mobilizassem as pessoas por trás do RCC, corroem o poder dos líderes tradicionais e da burocracia, e permitem um novo sistema legal escolhido pelo povo. [145] Muitos desses comitês foram estabelecidos em escolas e faculdades, [146]onde eram responsáveis ​​por vetar funcionários, cursos e livros didáticos para determinar se eram compatíveis com a ideologia revolucionária do país. [144]

Os Comitês Populares levaram a uma alta porcentagem de envolvimento público na tomada de decisões, dentro dos limites permitidos pelo RCC, [147] mas exacerbou as divisões e tensões tribais. [148] Eles também serviram como um sistema de vigilância, auxiliando os serviços de segurança na localização de indivíduos com opiniões críticas ao RCC, levando à prisão de baathistas , marxistas e islâmicos . [149] Operando em uma estrutura piramidal, a forma básica desses Comitês eram os grupos de trabalho locais, que enviavam representantes eleitos para o nível distrital, e daí para o nível nacional, divididos entre a Assembleia Geral do Povo e a Comissão Geral do Povo.. [150] Acima destes permaneceram Gaddafi e o RCC, que permaneceram responsáveis ​​por todas as decisões importantes. [151] Ao cruzar identidades regionais e tribais, o sistema de comitês ajudou na integração e centralização nacional e reforçou o controle de Gaddafi sobre o Estado e o aparelho administrativo. [152]

Terceira Teoria Universal e O Livro Verde

Em junho de 1973, Gaddafi criou uma ideologia política como base para a Revolução Popular: Terceira Teoria Internacional . Essa abordagem considerava tanto os EUA quanto a União Soviética como imperialistas e, portanto, rejeitou o capitalismo ocidental , bem como o ateísmo marxista-leninista. [153] A este respeito, foi semelhante à Teoria dos Três Mundos desenvolvida pelo líder político da China Mao Zedong . [154] Como parte dessa teoria, Gaddafi elogiou o nacionalismo como uma força progressista e defendeu a criação de um estado pan-árabe que lideraria o Islâmico e o Terceiro Mundo contra o imperialismo. [155]Gaddafi viu o Islã como tendo um papel fundamental nessa ideologia, pedindo um renascimento islâmico que retornasse às origens do Alcorão , rejeitando interpretações acadêmicas e o Hadith ; ao fazê-lo, enfureceu muitos clérigos líbios. [156] Durante 1973 e 1974, seu governo aprofundou a dependência legal da sharia , por exemplo, introduzindo o açoitamento como punição para os condenados por adultério ou atividade homossexual. [157]

Gaddafi resumiu a Terceira Teoria Internacional em três volumes curtos publicados entre 1975 e 1979, conhecidos coletivamente como O Livro Verde . O volume um foi dedicado à questão da democracia, destacando as falhas dos sistemas representativos em favor de GPCs diretos e participativos. O segundo tratou das crenças de Gaddafi em relação ao socialismo, enquanto o terceiro explorou questões sociais relacionadas à família e à tribo. Enquanto os dois primeiros volumes defendiam uma reforma radical, o terceiro adotou uma postura socialmente conservadora , proclamando que, embora homens e mulheres fossem iguais, eles foram biologicamente projetados para diferentes papéis na vida. [158] Durante os anos que se seguiram, os Gaddafistas adotaram citações do Livro Verde, como "Representação é Fraude", como slogans. [159] Enquanto isso, em setembro de 1975, Gaddafi implementou novas medidas para aumentar a mobilização popular, introduzindo objetivos para melhorar a relação entre os Conselhos e a ASU. [160]

Em 1975, o governo de Gaddafi declarou o monopólio estatal do comércio exterior. [161] Suas reformas cada vez mais radicais, juntamente com a grande quantidade de receita do petróleo sendo gasta em causas estrangeiras, gerou descontentamento na Líbia, [162] particularmente entre a classe mercantil do país. [163] Em 1974, a Líbia viu seu primeiro ataque civil ao governo de Gaddafi quando um prédio do exército de Benghazi foi bombardeado. [164] Grande parte da oposição se concentrou em torno do membro do RCC Omar Mehishi . Com o colega membro do RCC Bashir Saghir al-Hawaadi , ele começou a planejar um golpe contra Gaddafi. Em 1975, sua trama foi exposta e os dois fugiram para o exílio, recebendo asilo do Egito de Sadat. [165]No rescaldo, apenas cinco membros do RCC permaneceram, e o poder foi ainda mais concentrado nas mãos de Gaddafi. [166] Isso levou à abolição oficial do RCC em março de 1977. [160]

Em setembro de 1975, Gaddafi expurgou o exército, prendendo cerca de 200 oficiais superiores, e em outubro fundou o Escritório clandestino de Segurança da Revolução. [167] Em abril de 1976, ele convocou seus apoiadores nas universidades para estabelecer "conselhos estudantis revolucionários" e expulsar "elementos reacionários". [168] Durante aquele ano, manifestações estudantis anti-Gadafistas eclodiram nas universidades de Trípoli e Benghazi, resultando em confrontos com estudantes e polícias Gaddafistas. O RCC respondeu com prisões em massa e introduziu o serviço nacional obrigatório para jovens. [169] Em janeiro de 1977, dois estudantes dissidentes e vários oficiais do exército foram enforcados publicamente; Anistia Internacionalcondenou como a primeira vez na Líbia Gaddafista que dissidentes foram executados por crimes puramente políticos. [170] A dissidência também surgiu de clérigos conservadores e da Irmandade Muçulmana, que acusaram Gaddafi de se aproximar do marxismo e criticaram sua abolição da propriedade privada como sendo contra a sunnah islâmica ; essas forças foram então perseguidas como anti-revolucionárias, [171] enquanto todas as faculdades e universidades islâmicas de propriedade privada foram fechadas. [168]

Relações Estrangeiras

Após a ascensão de Anwar Sadat à presidência egípcia, as relações da Líbia com o Egito se deterioraram. [172] Ao longo dos próximos anos, os dois entraram em um estado de guerra fria . [173] Sadat ficou perturbado com a imprevisibilidade e insistência de Gaddafi de que o Egito exigia uma revolução cultural semelhante à que está sendo realizada na Líbia. [172] Em fevereiro de 1973, forças israelenses derrubaram o voo 114 da Arabian Arab Airlines da Líbia , que havia se desviado do espaço aéreo egípcio para território israelense durante uma tempestade de areia. Gaddafi ficou furioso com o fato de o Egito não ter feito mais para evitar o incidente e, em retaliação, planejou destruir o Queen Elizabeth 2 , um navio britânico fretado por judeus americanos para navegar paraHaifa para o 25º aniversário de Israel. Gaddafi ordenou que um submarino egípcio atacasse o navio, mas Sadat cancelou a ordem, temendo uma escalada militar. [174]

Gaddafi em 1976 com uma criança no colo

Gaddafi mais tarde ficou furioso quando o Egito e a Síria planejaram a Guerra do Yom Kippur contra Israel sem consultá-lo e ficou irritado quando o Egito cedeu às negociações de paz em vez de continuar a guerra. [175] Gaddafi tornou-se abertamente hostil ao líder do Egito, pedindo a derrubada de Sadat. [176] Quando o presidente sudanês Gaafar Nimeiry ficou do lado de Sadat, Gaddafi também se manifestou contra ele, encorajando a tentativa do Exército de Libertação Popular do Sudão de derrubar Nimeiry. [177] As relações com a Síria também azedaram com os eventos da Guerra Civil Libanesa. Inicialmente, tanto a Líbia quanto a Síria contribuíram com tropas para a força de paz da Liga Árabe, embora depois que o exército sírio atacou o Movimento Nacional Libanês , Gaddafi acusou abertamente o presidente sírio Hafez al-Assad de "traição nacional"; ele foi o único líder árabe a criticar as ações da Síria. [178] No final de 1972 e início de 1973, a Líbia invadiu o Chade para anexar a Faixa de Aouzou , rica em urânio . [179]

Com a intenção de propagar o Islã, em 1973 Gaddafi fundou a Islamic Call Society, que abriu 132 centros em toda a África em uma década. [180] Em 1973 converteu o presidente gabonês Omar Bongo , uma ação que repetiu três anos depois com Jean-Bédel Bokassa , presidente da República Centro-Africana . [181] Entre 1973 e 1979, a Líbia forneceu 500 milhões de dólares em ajuda aos países africanos, nomeadamente ao Zaire e ao Uganda, e fundou empresas de joint venture em todos os países para ajudar o comércio e o desenvolvimento. [182]Gaddafi também estava interessado em reduzir a influência israelense na África, usando incentivos financeiros para convencer com sucesso oito estados africanos a romper relações diplomáticas com Israel em 1973. [183] ​​Uma forte relação também foi estabelecida entre a Líbia de Gaddafi e o primeiro-ministro Zulfikar Ali Bhutto . governo paquistanês, com os dois países trocando pesquisa nuclear e assistência militar; esta relação terminou depois que Bhutto foi deposto por Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq em 1977. [184]

Gaddafi procurou desenvolver laços mais estreitos no Magrebe ; em janeiro de 1974, a Líbia e a Tunísia anunciaram uma união política, a República Árabe Islâmica . Embora defendida por Gaddafi e pelo presidente tunisiano Habib Bourguiba , a medida era profundamente impopular na Tunísia e logo foi abandonada. [185] Em retaliação, Gaddafi patrocinou militantes antigovernamentais na Tunísia na década de 1980. [186] Voltando a sua atenção para a Argélia , em 1975 a Líbia assinou, em Hassi Messaoud , uma aliança defensiva alegadamente para combater o alegado "expansionismo marroquino", financiando também a Frente Polisario do Sahara Ocidentalna sua luta de independência contra Marrocos . [187] Buscando diversificar a economia da Líbia, o governo de Gaddafi começou a comprar ações de grandes corporações europeias como a Fiat , bem como a compra de imóveis em Malta e Itália, que se tornariam uma valiosa fonte de renda durante a crise do petróleo dos anos 1980 . [188]

Grande Jamahiriya Árabe Popular Socialista da Líbia

Fundação: 1977

Em 2 de março de 1977, o Congresso Geral do Povo adotou a " Declaração sobre o Estabelecimento da Autoridade do Povo " a pedido de Gaddafi. Dissolving the Libyan Arab Republic, it was replaced by the Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya ( Arabic : الجماهيرية العربية الليبية الشعبية الاشتراكية , al-Jamāhīrīyah al-'Arabīyah al-Lībīyah ash-Sha'bīyah al-Ishtirākīyah ) , a "state of as massas" conceituada por Gaddafi. [189] Um novo estandarte todo verde foi adotado como bandeira do país. [190] Oficialmente, a Jamahiriya era uma democracia direta na qual o povo governava a si mesmo através do 187.Congressos Populares Básicos (BPCs), onde todos os líbios adultos participaram e votaram nas decisões nacionais. Estes então enviaram membros para o Congresso Geral do Povo anual, que foi transmitido ao vivo pela televisão. Em princípio, os Congressos do Povo eram a autoridade máxima da Líbia, com grandes decisões propostas por funcionários do governo ou com o próprio Gaddafi exigindo o consentimento dos Congressos do Povo. [191] Gaddafi tornou-se secretário-geral do GPC, embora tenha deixado o cargo no início de 1979 e se autonomeou "Líder da Revolução". [192]

Bandeira da Líbia (1977-2011)

Embora todo o controle político tenha sido oficialmente investido nos Congressos do Povo, na realidade a liderança política existente da Líbia continuou a exercer vários graus de poder e influência. [190] O debate permaneceu limitado, e as principais decisões sobre economia e defesa foram evitadas ou tratadas superficialmente; o GPC permaneceu em grande parte como "um carimbo de borracha" para as políticas de Gaddafi. [193] Em raras ocasiões, o GPC se opôs às sugestões de Gaddafi, às vezes com sucesso; notavelmente, quando Gaddafi pediu a abolição das escolas primárias, acreditando que o ensino em casa era mais saudável para as crianças, o GPC rejeitou a ideia. [193]Em outros casos, Gaddafi impôs leis sem o apoio do GPC, como quando ele desejava permitir que mulheres entrassem nas forças armadas. [194] Outras vezes, ele ordenava eleições antecipadas quando parecia que o GPC aprovaria leis às quais ele se opunha. [195] Gaddafi proclamou que os Congressos do Povo supriam todas as necessidades políticas da Líbia, tornando desnecessárias outras organizações políticas; todos os grupos não autorizados, incluindo partidos políticos, associações profissionais, sindicatos independentes e grupos de mulheres, foram banidos. [196] Apesar dessas restrições, St. John observou que o sistema Jamahiriya ainda "introduziu um nível de representação e participação até então desconhecido na Líbia". [197]

Com as instituições legais anteriores abolidas, Gaddafi imaginou a Jamahiriya seguindo o Alcorão para orientação legal, adotando a lei da sharia ; ele proclamou leis "feitas pelo homem" antinaturais e ditatoriais, permitindo apenas a lei de Alá . [198] Dentro de um ano ele estava voltando atrás, anunciando que a sharia era inadequada para a Jamahiriya porque garantia a proteção da propriedade privada, contrariando o socialismo do Livro Verde . [199] Sua ênfase em colocar seu próprio trabalho em pé de igualdade com o Alcorão levou clérigos conservadores a acusá-lo de shirk, aprofundando sua oposição ao seu regime. [200] Em julho de 1977, estourou uma guerra de fronteira com o Egito, na qual os egípcios derrotaram a Líbia apesar de sua inferioridade tecnológica. O conflito durou uma semana antes que ambos os lados concordassem em assinar um tratado de paz que foi intermediado por vários estados árabes. [201] Tanto o Egito quanto o Sudão se alinharam com os EUA, e isso empurrou a Líbia para um alinhamento estratégico, embora não político, com a União Soviética. [202] Em reconhecimento à crescente relação comercial entre a Líbia e os soviéticos, Gaddafi foi convidado a visitar Moscou em dezembro de 1976; lá, ele entrou em negociações com Leonid Brezhnev . [203] Em agosto de 1977, visitouIugoslávia , onde conheceu seu líder Josip Broz Tito , com quem teve uma relação muito mais calorosa. [184]

Comitês revolucionários e promoção do socialismo: 1978-1980

Se o socialismo é definido como uma redistribuição de riqueza e recursos, uma revolução socialista ocorreu claramente na Líbia depois de 1969 e mais especialmente na segunda metade da década de 1970. A gestão da economia era cada vez mais socialista em intenção e efeito, com riqueza em habitação, capital e terra significativamente redistribuída ou em processo de redistribuição. A iniciativa privada foi praticamente eliminada, em grande parte substituída por uma economia controlada centralmente.

—Estudioso de Estudos Líbios Ronald Bruce St. John [204]

In December 1978, Gaddafi stepped down as Secretary-General of the GPC, announcing his new focus on revolutionary rather than governmental activities; this was part of his new emphasis on separating the apparatus of the revolution from the government. Although no longer in a formal governmental post, he adopted the title of "Leader of the Revolution" and continued as commander-in-chief of the armed forces.[205] The historian Dirk Vandewalle stated that despite the Jamahariya's claims to being a direct democracy, Libya remained "an exclusionary political system whose decision-making process" was "restricted to a small cadre of advisers and confidantes" surrounding Gaddafi.[206]

Libya began to turn towards socialism. In March 1978, the government issued guidelines for housing redistribution, attempting to ensure that every adult Libyan owned their own home. Most families were banned from owning more than one house, while former rental properties were expropriated by the state and sold to the tenants at a heavily subsidized price.[207] In September, Gaddafi called for the People's Committees to eliminate the "bureaucracy of the public sector" and the "dictatorship of the private sector"; the People's Committees took control of several hundred companies, converting them into worker cooperatives run by elected representatives.[208]

Em 2 de março de 1979, o GPC anunciou a separação entre governo e revolução, sendo esta última representada por novos Comitês Revolucionários, que operavam em conjunto com os Comitês Populares nas escolas, universidades, sindicatos, polícia e militares. [209] Dominado por fanáticos revolucionários, a maioria dos quais eram jovens, os Comitês Revolucionários eram liderados por Mohammad Maghgoub e um Escritório Central de Coordenação com sede em Trípoli e se reuniam com Gaddafi anualmente. [210] Os membros dos Comitês Revolucionários foram escolhidos dentro dos BPCs. [197] De acordo com Bearman, o sistema de comitês revolucionários tornou-se "um mecanismo-chave - se não o principal - através do qual [Gaddafi] exerce controle político na Líbia". [211]Publicando uma revista semanal A Marcha Verde ( al-Zahf al-Akhdar ), em outubro de 1980 eles assumiram o controle da imprensa. [209] Responsáveis ​​por perpetuar o fervor revolucionário, realizavam a vigilância ideológica, adotando posteriormente um importante papel de segurança, fazendo prisões e julgando pessoas de acordo com a "lei da revolução" ( qanun al-thawra ). [212] Sem código legal ou salvaguardas, a administração da justiça revolucionária foi amplamente arbitrária e resultou em abusos generalizados e na supressão das liberdades civis : o "Terror Verde". [213]

Em 1979, os comitês iniciaram a redistribuição de terras na planície de Jefara , continuando até 1981. [214] Em maio de 1980, foram implementadas medidas para redistribuir e equalizar a riqueza; qualquer um com mais de 1000 dinares em sua conta bancária viu esse dinheiro extra ser expropriado. [215] No ano seguinte, o GPC anunciou que o governo assumiria o controle de todas as funções de importação, exportação e distribuição, com supermercados estatais substituindo empresas privadas; isso levou a um declínio na disponibilidade de bens de consumo e ao desenvolvimento de um próspero mercado negro . [216]Gaddafi também ficou frustrado com o ritmo lento da reforma social nas questões das mulheres e, em 1979, lançou uma Formação Revolucionária de Mulheres para substituir a Federação Geral das Mulheres da Líbia, mais gradualista. [217] Em 1978, ele estabeleceu uma Academia Militar Feminina em Trípoli, incentivando todas as mulheres a se alistar para treinamento. [218] A medida foi extremamente controversa e rejeitada pelo GPC em fevereiro de 1983. Gaddafi permaneceu inflexível, e quando foi novamente rejeitado pelo GPC em março de 1984, ele se recusou a cumprir a decisão, declarando que "aquele que se opõe à formação e emancipação das mulheres é um agente do imperialismo, goste ou não." [219]

A direção radical da Jamahiriya rendeu ao governo muitos inimigos. A maior parte da oposição interna veio de fundamentalistas islâmicos , que foram inspirados pelos eventos da Revolução Iraniana de 1979 . [220] Em fevereiro de 1978, Gaddafi descobriu que seu chefe de inteligência militar estava planejando matá-lo e começou a confiar cada vez mais a segurança de sua tribo Kadhadfa. [221] Muitos que viram suas riquezas e propriedades confiscadas se voltaram contra a administração, e vários grupos de oposição financiados pelo Ocidente foram fundados por exilados. A mais proeminente foi a Frente Nacional para a Salvação da Líbia (NFSL), fundada em 1981 por Mohammed Magariaf, que orquestrou ataques de militantes contra o governo da Líbia. [222] Outro, al-Borkan, começou a matar diplomatas líbios no exterior. [223] Seguindo a ordem de Kadafi para matar esses "cães vadios", sob a liderança do Coronel Younis Bilgasim, os Comitês Revolucionários criaram filiais no exterior para suprimir a atividade contra-revolucionária, assassinando vários dissidentes. [224] Embora nações vizinhas como Síria e Israel também empregassem esquadrões de ataque, Gaddafi era incomum em se gabar publicamente sobre o uso deles por seu governo; [225] em 1980, ele ordenou que todos os dissidentes voltassem para casa ou fossem "liquidados onde quer que estivessem". [226] Em 1979 ele também criou a Legião Islâmica, through which several thousand Africans were trained in military tactics.[227]

Libya had sought to improve relations with the US under the presidency of Jimmy Carter, for instance by courting his brother, the businessman Billy Carter,[228] but in 1979 the US placed Libya on its list of "State Sponsors of Terrorism".[229] Relations were further damaged at the end of the year when a demonstration torched the US embassy in Tripoli in solidarity with the perpetrators of the Iran hostage crisis.[230] The following year, Libyan fighters began intercepting US fighter jets flying over the Mediterranean, signalling the collapse of relations between the two countries.[229] Major sources in the Italian media have alleged that the Itavia Flight 870 was shot down during a dogfight involving Libyan, United States, French and Italian Air Force fighters in an assassination attempt by NATO members on an important Libyan politician, perhaps even Gaddafi, who was flying in the same airspace that evening.[231][232] Libyan relations with Lebanon and Shi'ite communities across the world also deteriorated due to the August 1978 disappearance of imam Musa al-Sadr when visiting Libya; the Lebanese accused Gaddafi of having him killed or imprisoned, a charge he denied.[233] Relations with Syria improved, as Gaddafi and Syrian President Hafez al-Assad shared an enmity with Israel and Egypt's Sadat. In 1980, they proposed a political union, with Libya promising to pay off Syria's £1-billion debt to the Soviet Union; although pressures led Assad to pull out, they remained allies.[234] Another key ally was Uganda, and in 1979, Gaddafi sent 2,500 troops into Uganda to defend the regime of President Idi Amin from Tanzanian invaders. The mission failed; 400 Libyans were killed and they were forced to retreat.[235] Gaddafi later came to regret his alliance with Amin, openly criticizing him as a "fascist" and a "show-off".[236]

Conflict with the US and its allies: 1981–1986

O início e meados da década de 1980 viu problemas econômicos para a Líbia; de 1982 a 1986, as receitas anuais do petróleo do país caíram de US$ 21 bilhões para US$ 5,4 bilhões. [237] Concentrando-se em projetos de irrigação, 1983 viu o início da construção do maior e mais caro projeto de infraestrutura da Líbia, o Grande Rio Feito pelo Homem ; embora projetado para ser concluído até o final da década, permaneceu incompleto no início do século XXI. [238] Os gastos militares aumentaram, enquanto outros orçamentos administrativos foram reduzidos. [239] A dívida externa da Líbia aumentou, [240] e foram introduzidas medidas de austeridade para promover a autossuficiência; em agosto de 1985 houve uma deportação em massa de trabalhadores estrangeiros, a maioria egípcios e tunisianos.[241] Ameaças domésticas continuaram a atormentar Gaddafi; em maio de 1984, sua casa em Bab al-Azizia foi atacada sem sucesso por uma milícia – ligada à NFSL ou à Irmandade Muçulmana – e depois disso 5.000 dissidentes foram presos. [242]

Construção para o Projeto do Grande Rio Feito pelo Homem

A Líbia há muito apoiava a milícia FROLINAT no vizinho Chade e, em dezembro de 1980, invadiu o Chade a pedido do governo GUNT controlado pelo FROLINAT para ajudar na guerra civil; em janeiro de 1981, Gaddafi sugeriu uma fusão política. A Organização da Unidade Africana (OUA) rejeitou isso e pediu a retirada da Líbia, que ocorreu em novembro de 1981. A guerra civil recomeçou e a Líbia enviou tropas de volta, entrando em confronto com as forças francesas que apoiavam as forças do sul do Chade. [243] Muitas nações africanas estavam cansadas da interferência da Líbia em seus assuntos; em 1980, nove estados africanos haviam cortado relações diplomáticas com a Líbia, [244]enquanto em 1982 a OUA cancelou sua conferência agendada em Trípoli para evitar que Gaddafi ganhasse a presidência. [245] Alguns estados africanos, como Gana de Jerry Rawlings e Burkina Faso de Thomas Sankara , no entanto, tiveram relações calorosas com a Líbia durante a década de 1980. [246] Propondo unidade política com Marrocos, em agosto de 1984, Gaddafi e o monarca marroquino Hassan II assinaram o Tratado de Oujda, formando a União Árabe-Africana; tal união foi considerada surpreendente devido às fortes diferenças políticas e inimizade de longa data que existia entre os dois governos. As relações permaneceram tensas, principalmente devido às relações amistosas de Marrocos com os EUA e Israel; em agosto de 1986, Hassan aboliu o sindicato. [247]

Em 1981, o novo presidente dos EUA, Ronald Reagan , seguiu uma abordagem linha-dura para a Líbia, vendo-a como um regime fantoche da União Soviética. [248] Gaddafi acentuou a sua relação comercial com os soviéticos, revisitando Moscovo em 1981 e 1985, [249] e ameaçando aderir ao Pacto de Varsóvia . [250] Os soviéticos, no entanto, eram cautelosos com Gaddafi, vendo-o como um extremista imprevisível. [251] Em agosto de 1981, os EUA realizaram exercícios militares no Golfo de Sirte – uma área que a Líbia reivindicou como parte de suas águas territoriais. Os EUA derrubaram dois aviões Su-22 líbios que estavam em um curso de interceptação.[252] Closing down Libya's embassy in Washington, DC, Reagan advised US companies operating in Libya to reduce the number of American personnel stationed there.[253] In March 1982, the US implemented an embargo of Libyan oil,[254] and in January 1986 ordered all US companies to cease operating in the country, although several hundred workers remained when the Libyan government doubled their pay.[255] In Spring 1986, the US Navy again performed exercises in the Gulf of Sirte; the Libyan military retaliated, but failed as the US sank several Libyan ships.[256] Diplomatic relations also broke down with the UK, after Libyan diplomats were accused in the killing of Yvonne Fletcher, a British policewoman stationed outside their London embassy, in April 1984.[257]

After the US accused Libya of orchestrating the 1986 Berlin discotheque bombing, in which two American soldiers died, Reagan decided to retaliate militarily.[258] The CIA was critical of the move, believing that Syria was a greater threat and that an attack would strengthen Gaddafi's reputation; however Libya was recognized as a "soft target".[259] Reagan was supported by the UK but opposed by other European allies, who argued that it would contravene international law.[260] In Operation El Dorado Canyon, orchestrated on 15 April 1986, US military planes launched a series of air-strikes on Libya, bombing military installations in various parts of the country, killing around 100 Libyans, including several civilians. One of the targets had been Gaddafi's home. Himself unharmed, two of Gaddafi's sons were injured, and he claimed that his four-year-old adopted daughter Hanna was killed, although her existence has since been questioned.[261] In the immediate aftermath, Gaddafi retreated to the desert to meditate.[262] There were sporadic clashes between Gaddafists and army officers who wanted to overthrow the government.[263] Although the US was condemned internationally, Reagan received a popularity boost at home.[264] Publicly lambasting US imperialism, Gaddafi's reputation as an anti-imperialist was strengthened both domestically and across the Arab world,[265] and, in June 1986, he ordered the names of the month to be changed in Libya.[266]

"Revolution within a Revolution": 1987–1998

O final da década de 1980 viu uma série de reformas econômicas liberalizantes na Líbia destinadas a lidar com o declínio nas receitas do petróleo. Em maio de 1987, Gaddafi anunciou o início da "Revolução dentro de uma Revolução", que começou com reformas na indústria e na agricultura e viu a reabertura dos pequenos negócios. [267] Foram impostas restrições às atividades dos Comitês Revolucionários; em março de 1988, seu papel foi reduzido pelo recém-criado Ministério de Mobilização de Massa e Liderança Revolucionária para restringir sua violência e papel judicial, enquanto em agosto de 1988 Gaddafi os criticou publicamente. [268] Em março, centenas de presos políticos foram libertados, com Gaddafi alegando falsamente que não havia mais presos políticos na Líbia. [269]Em junho, o governo da Líbia publicou a Grande Carta Verde dos Direitos Humanos na Era das Massas, na qual 27 artigos estabelecem objetivos, direitos e garantias para melhorar a situação dos direitos humanos na Líbia, restringindo o uso da pena de morte e pedindo sua eventual abolição. Muitas das medidas sugeridas na carta seriam implementadas no ano seguinte, embora outras permanecessem inativas. [270] Também em 1989, o governo fundou o Prêmio Internacional Al-Gaddafi de Direitos Humanos , a ser concedido a figuras do Terceiro Mundo que lutaram contra o colonialismo e o imperialismo; o vencedor do primeiro ano foi o ativista anti-apartheid sul-africano Nelson Mandela . [271]De 1994 a 1997, o governo iniciou comitês de limpeza para erradicar a corrupção, particularmente no setor econômico. [272]

No rescaldo do ataque dos EUA em 1986, o exército foi expurgado de elementos desleais percebidos, [273] e em 1988, Gaddafi anunciou a criação de uma milícia popular para substituir o exército e a polícia. [274] Em 1987, a Líbia iniciou a produção de gás mostarda em uma instalação em Rabta, embora negasse publicamente que estava armazenando armas químicas, [275] e tentou sem sucesso desenvolver armas nucleares. [276] O período também viu um crescimento na oposição islâmica doméstica, formulada em grupos como a Irmandade Muçulmana e o Grupo de Combate Islâmico da Líbia .. Várias tentativas de assassinato contra Gaddafi foram frustradas e, por sua vez, 1989 viu as forças de segurança invadirem mesquitas que se acredita serem centros de pregação contra-revolucionária. [277] Em outubro de 1993, elementos do exército cada vez mais marginalizados iniciaram um golpe fracassado em Misrata , enquanto em setembro de 1995, os islâmicos lançaram uma insurgência em Benghazi, e em julho de 1996 um motim anti-Gaddafist no futebol eclodiu em Trípoli. [278] Os Comitês Revolucionários experimentaram um ressurgimento para combater esses islâmicos. [279]

Em 1989, Gaddafi ficou muito feliz com a fundação da União do Magrebe Árabe , unindo a Líbia em um pacto econômico com a Mauritânia, Marrocos, Tunísia e Argélia, vendo-a como o início de uma nova união pan-árabe. [280] Enquanto isso, a Líbia intensificou seu apoio a militantes antiocidentais, como o IRA Provisório , [281] e em 1988, o voo 103 da Pan Am explodiu sobre Lockerbie na Escócia, matando 243 passageiros e 16 tripulantes, além de 11 pessoas no chão. Investigações da polícia britânica identificaram dois líbios - Abdelbaset al-Megrahi e Lamin Khalifah Fhimah – como principais suspeitos, e em novembro de 1991 emitiu uma declaração exigindo que a Líbia os entregasse. Quando Gaddafi recusou, citando a Convenção de Montreal , a Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) impôs a Resolução 748 em março de 1992, iniciando sanções econômicas contra a Líbia que tiveram profundas repercussões na economia do país. [282] Como resultado, o país sofreu uma perda financeira estimada em US$ 900 milhões. [283] Outros problemas surgiram com o Ocidente quando, em janeiro de 1989, dois aviões de guerra líbios foram derrubados pelos EUA na costa líbia . [284]

Many Arab and African states opposed the UN sanctions, with Mandela criticizing them on a visit to Gaddafi in October 1997, when he praised Libya for its work in fighting apartheid and awarded Gaddafi the Order of Good Hope.[285] They would only be suspended in 1998 when Libya agreed to allow the extradition of the suspects to the Scottish Court in the Netherlands, in a process overseen by Mandela.[286] As a result of the trial, Fhimah was acquitted and al-Megrahi convicted.[287] Privately, Gaddafi maintained that he knew nothing about who perpetrated the bombing and that Libya had nothing to do with it.[288]

Pan-Africanism, reconciliation and privatization: 1999–2011

Links with Africa

Gaddafi wearing an insignia showing the image of the African continent

No final do século 20, Gaddafi – frustrado pelo fracasso de seus ideais pan-árabes – rejeitou cada vez mais o nacionalismo árabe em favor do pan-africanismo , enfatizando a identidade africana da Líbia. [289] De 1997 a 2000, a Líbia iniciou acordos de cooperação ou acordos bilaterais de ajuda com 10 estados africanos, [290] e em 1999 aderiu à Comunidade dos Estados do Sahel-Saharan . [291] Em junho de 1999, Gaddafi visitou Mandela na África do Sul, [292] e no mês seguinte participou da cúpula da OUA em Argel , pedindo maior integração política e econômica em todo o continente e defendendo a fundação dos Estados Unidos da África .[293] Tornou-se um dos fundadores da União Africana (UA), iniciada em julho de 2002 para substituir a OUA; nas cerimônias de abertura, ele pediu aos estados africanos que rejeitassem a ajuda condicional do mundo desenvolvido, um contraste direto com a mensagem do presidente sul- africano Thabo Mbeki . [294] Houve especulações de que Gaddafi queria se tornar o primeiro presidente da UA, levantando preocupações na África de que isso prejudicaria a posição internacional da União, particularmente com o Ocidente. [295]

Na terceira cúpula da UA, realizada em Trípoli, Líbia, em julho de 2005, Gaddafi pediu maior integração, defendendo um passaporte único da UA, um sistema de defesa comum e uma moeda única, utilizando o slogan: "Os Estados Unidos da África são a esperança ." [296] Sua proposta para uma União dos Estados Africanos, um projeto originalmente concebido por Kwame Nkrumah de Gana na década de 1960, foi rejeitada na cúpula de 2001 da Assembléia de Chefes de Estado e de Governo (AHSG) em Lusaka por líderes africanos que consideraram "irrealista " e "utópico". [297] Em Junho de 2005, a Líbia aderiu ao Mercado Comum da África Oriental e Austral (COMESA). [298] Em março de 2008 em Uganda,[299] Em agosto de 2008, Gaddafi foi proclamado " Rei dos Reis " por um comitê de líderes tradicionais africanos; [300] eles o coroaram em fevereiro de 2009, em uma cerimônia realizada em Adis Abeba , Etiópia. [301] Nesse mesmo mês, Gaddafi foi eleito presidente da União Africana, cargo que manteve durante um ano. [302] Em outubro de 2010, Gaddafi pediu desculpas aos líderes africanos pela escravização histórica de africanos pelo tráfico árabe de escravos . [303]

Reconstruindo ligações com o Ocidente

Em 1999, a Líbia iniciou conversações secretas com o governo britânico para normalizar as relações. [304] Em setembro de 2001, Gaddafi condenou publicamente os ataques de 11 de setembro da Al-Qaeda aos EUA , expressando simpatia pelas vítimas e pedindo o envolvimento da Líbia na Guerra ao Terror liderada pelos EUA contra o islamismo militante. [305] Seu governo continuou a suprimir o islamismo doméstico, ao mesmo tempo em que Gaddafi pedia a aplicação mais ampla da lei sharia . [306] A Líbia também cimentou conexões com a China e a Coreia do Norte, sendo visitada pelo presidente chinês Jiang Zemin em abril de 2002. [307] Influenciado pelos eventos doIraq War, in December 2003, Libya renounced its possession of weapons of mass destruction, decommissioning its chemical and nuclear weapons programs.[308] Relations with the US improved as a result.[309] British Prime Minister Tony Blair visited Gaddafi in March 2004;[310] the pair developed close personal ties.[311] In 2003, Libya paid US$2.7 billion to the families of the victims of Lockerbie bombings as it was the condition the US and UK had made for terminating the remaining UN sanctions. Libya continued to deny any role in the bombing.[312][313]

Video showing the meeting with Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and Muammar Gaddafi, in 2008.

In 2004, Gaddafi traveled to the headquarters of the European Union (EU) in Brussels—signifying improved relations between Libya and the EU—and the EU dropped its sanctions on Libya.[314] As a strategic player in Europe's attempts to stem illegal migration from Africa,[315] in October 2010, the EU paid Libya over €50 million to stop African migrants passing into Europe; Gaddafi encouraged the move, saying that it was necessary to prevent the loss of European cultural identity to a new "Black Europe".[316] Gaddafi also completed agreements with the Italian government that they would invest in various infrastructure projects as reparations for past Italian colonial policies in Libya.[317] Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi gave Libya an official apology in 2006, after which Gaddafi called him the "iron man" for his courage in doing so.[318] In August 2008, Gaddafi and Berlusconi signed a historic cooperation treaty in Benghazi;[319][320] under its terms, Italy would pay $5 billion to Libya as compensation for its former military occupation. In exchange, Libya would take measures to combat illegal immigration coming from its shores and boost investment in Italian companies.[320][321]

Removed from the US list of state sponsors of terrorism in 2006,[322] Gaddafi nevertheless continued his anti-Western rhetoric, and at the Second Africa-South America Summit, held in Venezuela in September 2009, he called for a military alliance across Africa and Latin America to rival NATO.[323] That month he also addressed the United Nations General Assembly in New York City for the first time, using it to condemn "Western aggression".[324][325] In Spring 2010, Gaddafi proclaimed jihad against Switzerland after Swiss police accused two of his family members of criminal activity in the country, resulting in the breakdown of bilateral relations.[326]

Economic reform

A economia da Líbia testemunhou uma crescente privatização ; embora rejeitando as políticas socialistas da indústria nacionalizada defendidas no Livro Verde , figuras do governo afirmaram que estavam forjando o "socialismo popular" em vez do capitalismo. [327] Gaddafi saudou essas reformas, pedindo uma privatização em larga escala em um discurso de março de 2003; [328] ele prometeu que a Líbia se juntaria à Organização Mundial do Comércio . [329] Essas reformas incentivaram o investimento privado na economia da Líbia. [330] Em 2004, havia US$ 40 bilhões de investimento estrangeiro direto na Líbia, um aumento de seis vezes em relação a 2003. [331]Setores da população da Líbia reagiram contra essas reformas com manifestações públicas, [332] e em março de 2006, a linha-dura revolucionária assumiu o controle do gabinete do GPC; embora reduzissem o ritmo das mudanças, não as detiveram. [333] Em 2010, foram anunciados planos que teriam visto metade da economia líbia privatizada na década seguinte, [334] esses planos parecem ter sido logo abandonados, no entanto, como as empresas que o governo declarou que iriam flutuar no mercado mercado de ações, entre eles o Banco Comercial Nacional e a Companhia de Ferro e Aço da Líbianunca foram lançadas e permaneceram 100% estatais. No entanto, muitas políticas socialistas permaneceram, com subsidiárias da empresa de logística HB Group sendo nacionalizada em 2007. [335] A agricultura permaneceu praticamente intocada pelas reformas, com as fazendas permanecendo cooperativas, o Banco Agrícola da Líbia permanecendo totalmente estatal e políticas intervencionistas e preços controles restantes. [336] A indústria petrolífera permaneceu em grande parte estatal, com a National Oil Corporation totalmente estatal mantendo uma participação de 70% na indústria petrolífera da Líbia, o governo também impôs um imposto de 93% sobre todo o petróleo que as empresas estrangeiras produziam na Líbia. [337]Os controles de preços e subsídios sobre petróleo e alimentos permaneceram em vigor, e os benefícios fornecidos pelo Estado, como educação gratuita, assistência médica universal, moradia gratuita, água gratuita e eletricidade gratuita permaneceram em vigor. [338] A Líbia também mudou sua posição sobre a OMC após a remoção de Shukri Ghanem, com Gaddafi condenando a OMC como uma organização terrorista neocolonial e instando os países africanos e do Terceiro Mundo a não se juntarem a ela. [339]

Embora não tenha havido liberalização política concomitante, com Gaddafi mantendo o controle predominante, [340] em março de 2010, o governo devolveu mais poderes aos conselhos municipais. [341] Números crescentes de tecnocratas reformistas alcançaram posições na governança do país; mais conhecido era o filho e herdeiro aparente de Gaddafi, Saif al-Islam Gaddafi , que criticava abertamente o histórico de direitos humanos da Líbia. Ele liderou um grupo que propôs a elaboração de uma nova constituição, embora nunca tenha sido adotada. [342] Envolvido no incentivo ao turismo, Saif fundou vários canais de mídia privados em 2008, mas depois de criticar o governo, eles foram nacionalizados em 2009. [343]

Guerra Civil da Líbia

Origins and development: February–August 2011

People protesting against Gaddafi in Dublin, Ireland, March 2011

Following the start of the Arab Spring in 2011, Gaddafi spoke out in favour of Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, then threatened by the Tunisian Revolution. He suggested that Tunisia's people would be satisfied if Ben Ali introduced a Jamahiriyah system there.[344] Fearing domestic protest, Libya's government implemented preventive measures by reducing food prices, purging the army leadership of potential defectors, and releasing several Islamist prisoners.[345] This proved ineffective, and on 17 February 2011, major protests broke out against Gaddafi's government. Unlike Tunisia or Egypt, Libya was largely religiously homogeneous and had no strong Islamist movement, but there was widespread dissatisfaction with the corruption and entrenched systems of patronage, while unemployment had reached around 30 percent.[346]

Accusing the rebels of being "drugged" and linked to al-Qaeda, Gaddafi proclaimed that he would die a martyr rather than leave Libya.[347] As he announced that the rebels would be "hunted down street by street, house by house and wardrobe by wardrobe",[348] the army opened fire on protesters in Benghazi, killing hundreds.[349] Shocked at the government's response, a number of senior politicians resigned or defected to the protesters' side.[350] The uprising spread quickly through Libya's less economically developed eastern half.[351] By February's end, eastern cities such as Benghazi, Misrata, al-Bayda, and Tobruk were controlled by rebels,[352] and the Benghazi-based National Transitional Council (NTC) formed to represent them.[353]

Pro-Gaddafi protests in Tripoli, May 2011

In the conflict's early months it appeared that Gaddafi's government—with its greater fire-power—would be victorious.[351] Both sides disregarded the laws of war, committing human rights abuses, including arbitrary arrests, torture, extrajudicial executions, and revenge attacks.[354] On 26 February the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1970, suspending Libya from the UN Human Rights Council, implementing sanctions and calling for an International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation into the killing of unarmed civilians.[355] In March, the Security Council declared a no-fly zone to protect the civilian population from aerial bombardment, calling on foreign nations to enforce it; it also specifically prohibited foreign occupation.[356] Ignoring this, Qatar sent hundreds of troops to support the dissidents and, along with France and the United Arab Emirates, provided weaponry and military training to the NTC.[357] NATO announced that it would enforce the no-fly zone.[358] On 30 April a NATO airstrike killed Gaddafi's sixth son and three of his grandsons in Tripoli.[359] This Western military intervention was criticized by various leftist governments, including those that had criticized Gaddafi's response to the protests, because they regarded it as an imperialist attempt to secure control of Libya's resources.[360]

In June, the ICC issued arrest warrants for Gaddafi, his son Saif al-Islam, and his brother-in-law Abdullah Senussi, head of state security, for charges concerning crimes against humanity.[361] That month, Amnesty International published their report, finding that Gaddafi's forces were responsible for numerous war crimes.[362] In July, over 30 governments recognized the NTC as the legitimate government of Libya; Gaddafi called on his supporters to "Trample on those recognitions, trample on them under your feet ... They are worthless".[2] In August, the Arab League recognized the NTC as "the legitimate representative of the Libyan state".[4]

Aided by NATO air cover, the rebel militia pushed westward, defeating loyalist armies and securing control of the centre of the country.[363] Gaining the support of Amazigh (Berber) communities of the Nafusa Mountains, who had long been persecuted as non-Arabic speakers under Gaddafi, the NTC armies surrounded Gaddafi loyalists in several key areas of western Libya.[363] In August, the rebels seized Zliten and Tripoli, ending the last vestiges of Gaddafist power.[364] It is probable that without the NATO air strikes supporting the rebels, they would not have been able to advance west and Gaddafi's forces would have ultimately retaken control of eastern Libya.[365]

Capture and death: September–October 2011

Only a few towns in western Libya such as Bani Walid, Sebha, and Sirte remained Gaddafist strongholds.[364] Retreating to Sirte after Tripoli's fall,[366] Gaddafi announced his willingness to negotiate for a handover to a transitional government, a suggestion rejected by the NTC.[364] Surrounding himself with bodyguards,[366] he continually moved residences to escape NTC shelling, devoting his days to prayer and reading the Qur'an.[367] On 20 October, Gaddafi broke out of Sirte's District 2 in a joint civilian-military convoy, hoping to take refuge in the Jarref Valley.[368][369] At around 08:30, NATO bombers attacked, destroying at least 14 vehicles and killing at least 53 people.[369][370] The convoy scattered, and Gaddafi and those closest to him fled to a nearby villa, which was shelled by rebel militia from Misrata. Fleeing to a construction site, Gaddafi and his inner cohort hid inside drainage pipes while his bodyguards battled the rebels; in the conflict, Gaddafi suffered head injuries from a grenade blast while defence minister Abu-Bakr Yunis Jabr was killed.[369][371]

A gold-plated and engraved Browning Hi-Power handgun. Of the few created, one of these models was in the possession of Gaddafi during the attack and later appropriated by rebels after his death. [372] The engraving references the Khamis Brigade.

The Misrata militia took Gaddafi prisoner, causing serious injuries as they tried to apprehend him; the events were filmed on a mobile phone. A video appears to picture Gaddafi being poked or stabbed in the anus "with some kind of stick or knife"[373] or possibly a bayonet.[374] Pulled onto the front of a pick-up truck, he fell off as it drove away. His semi-naked, lifeless body was then placed into an ambulance and taken to Misrata; upon arrival, he was found to be dead.[375] Official NTC accounts claimed that Gaddafi was caught in a cross-fire and died from bullet wounds.[369] Other eye-witness accounts claimed that rebels had fatally shot Gaddafi in the stomach.[369] Gaddafi's son Mutassim, who had also been among the convoy, was similarly captured and found dead several hours later, most probably from an extrajudicial execution.[376] Around 140 Gaddafi loyalists were rounded up from the convoy; the corpses of 66 were later found at the nearby Mahari Hotel, victims of extrajudicial execution.[377] Libya's chief forensic pathologist, Othman al-Zintani, carried out the autopsies of Gaddafi, his son, and Jabr in the days following their deaths; although the pathologist informed the press that Gaddafi had died from a gunshot wound to the head, the autopsy report was not made public.[378]

On the afternoon of Gaddafi's death, NTC Prime Minister Mahmoud Jibril publicly revealed the news.[369] Gaddafi's corpse was placed in the freezer of a local market alongside the corpses of Yunis Jabr and Mutassim; the bodies were publicly displayed for four days, with Libyans from all over the country coming to view them.[379] Footage of Gaddafi's death was broadcast extensively across media networks internationally.[380] In response to international calls, on 24 October Jibril announced that a commission would investigate Gaddafi's death.[381] On 25 October, the NTC announced that Gaddafi had been buried at an unidentified location in the desert.[382]

Seeking vengeance for the killing, Gaddafi supporters severely wounded and tortured one of those who had captured Gaddafi, 22-year-old Omran Shaaban, near Bani Walid in September 2012. They tortured him for days, and he eventually died in France.[383]

Political ideology

We call it the Third [International] Theory to indicate that there is a new path for all those who reject both materialist capitalism and atheist communism. The path is for all the people of the world who abhor the dangerous confrontation between the Warsaw and North Atlantic military alliances. It is for all those who believe that all nations of the world are brothers under the aegis of the rule of God.

—Muammar Gaddafi[384]

Gaddafi's ideological worldview was molded by his environment, namely his Islamic faith, his Bedouin upbringing, and his disgust at the actions of Italian colonialists in Libya.[385] As a schoolboy, Gaddafi adopted the ideologies of Arab nationalism and Arab socialism, influenced in particular by Nasserism, the thought of the Egyptian President Nasser, whom Gaddafi regarded as his hero;[386] Nasser privately described Gaddafi as "a nice boy, but terribly naïve".[111] During the early 1970s, Gaddafi formulated his own particular approach to Arab nationalism and socialism, known as Third International Theory, which The New York Times described as a combination of "utopian socialism, Arab nationalism, and the Third World revolutionary theory that was in vogue at the time".[387] He regarded this system as a practical alternative to the then-dominant international models of Western capitalism and Marxism–Leninism.[388] He laid out the principles of this Theory in the three volumes of The Green Book, in which he sought to "explain the structure of the ideal society".[389]

The Libyan studies specialist Ronald Bruce St. John regarded Arab nationalism as Gaddafi's "primordial value",[390] stating that during the early years of his government, Gaddafi was "the Arab nationalist par excellence".[391] Gaddafi called for the Arab world to regain its dignity and assert a major place on the world stage, blaming Arab backwardness on stagnation resulting from Ottoman rule, European colonialism and imperialism, and corrupt and repressive monarchies.[392] Gaddafi's Arab nationalist views led him to the pan-Arabist belief in the need for unity across the Arab world, combining the Arab nation under a single nation-state.[393] To this end, he had proposed a political union with five neighbouring Arab states by 1974, although without success.[394] In keeping with his views regarding Arabs, his political stance was described as nativist.[395] Gaddafi also had international ambitions, wanting to export his revolutionary ideas throughout the world.[396] Gaddafi saw his socialist Jamahiriyah as a model for the Arab, Islamic, and non-aligned worlds to follow,[397] and in his speeches declared that his Third International Theory would eventually guide the entire planet.[398] He nevertheless had minimal success in exporting the ideology outside of Libya.[399]

Along with Arab nationalism, anti-imperialism was also a defining feature of Gaddafi's regime during its early years. He believed in opposing Western imperialism and colonialism in the Arab world, including any Western expansionism through the form of Israel.[400] He offered support to a broad range of political groups abroad that called themselves "anti-imperialist", especially those that set themselves in opposition to the United States.[401] For many years, anti-Zionism was a fundamental component of Gaddafi's ideology. He believed that the state of Israel should not exist and that any Arab compromise with the Israeli government was a betrayal of the Arab people.[402] In large part due to their support of Israel, Gaddafi despised the United States, considering the country to be imperialist and lambasting it as "the embodiment of evil".[403] He sought to distinguish "oriental" Jews who had lived in the Middle East for generations from the European Jews who had migrated to Palestine during the 20th century, calling the latter "vagabonds" and "mercenaries" who should return to Europe.[404] He rallied against Jews in many of his speeches, with Blundy and Lycett claiming that his anti-Semitism was "almost Hitlerian".[405] As Pan-Africanism increasingly became his focus in the early 21st century, Gaddafi became less interested in the Israel-Palestine issue, calling for the two communities to form a new single-state that he termed "Isratin".[406][407] This would have led the Jewish population to become a minority within the new state.[408]

Islamic modernism and Islamic socialism

Gaddafi rejected the secularist approach to Arab nationalism that had been pervasive in Syria,[409] with his revolutionary movement placing a far stronger emphasis on Islam than previous Arab nationalist movements had done.[410] He deemed Arabism and Islam to be inseparable, referring to them as "one and indivisible",[411] and called on the Arab world's Christian minority to convert to Islam.[412] He insisted that Islamic law should be the basis for the law of the state, blurring any distinction between the religious and secular realms.[413] He desired unity across the Islamic world,[414] and encouraged the propagation of the faith elsewhere; on a 2010 visit to Italy, he paid a modelling agency to find 200 young Italian women for a lecture he gave urging them to convert.[415] According to the Gaddafi biographer Jonathan Bearman, in Islamic terms Gaddafi was a modernist rather than a fundamentalist, for he subordinated religion to the political system rather than seeking to Islamicise the state as Islamists sought to do.[416] He was driven by a sense of "divine mission", believing himself a conduit of God's will, and thought that he must achieve his goals "no matter what the cost".[417] His interpretation of Islam was nevertheless idiosyncratic,[416] and he clashed with conservative Libyan clerics. Many criticized his attempts to encourage women to enter traditionally male-only sectors of society, such as the armed forces. Gaddafi was keen to improve women's status, although saw the sexes as "separate but equal" and therefore felt women should usually remain in traditional roles.[418]

The purpose of the socialist society is the happiness of man, which can only be realized through material and spiritual freedom. Attainment of such freedom depends on the extent of man's ownership of his needs; ownership that is personal and sacredly guaranteed, i.e. your needs must neither be owned by somebody else, nor subject to plunder by any part of society.

—Muammar Gaddafi[419]

Gaddafi described his approach to economics as "Islamic socialism".[420] For him, a socialist society could be defined as one in which men controlled their own needs, either through personal ownership or through a collective.[419] Although the early policies pursued by his government were state capitalist in orientation, by 1978 he believed that private ownership of the means of production was exploitative and thus he sought to move Libya away from capitalism and towards socialism.[421] Private enterprise was largely eliminated in favour of a centrally controlled economy.[422] The extent to which Libya became socialist under Gaddafi is disputed. Bearman suggested that while Libya did undergo "a profound social revolution", he did not think that "a socialist society" was established in Libya.[423] Conversely, St. John expressed the view that "if socialism is defined as a redistribution of wealth and resources, a socialist revolution clearly occurred in Libya" under Gaddafi's regime.[204]

Gaddafi was staunchly anti-Marxist,[424] and in 1973 declared that "it is the duty of every Muslim to combat" Marxism because it promotes atheism.[425] In his view, ideologies like Marxism and Zionism were alien to the Islamic world and were a threat to the ummah, or global Islamic community.[426] Nevertheless, Blundy and Lycett noted that Gaddafi's socialism had a "curiously Marxist undertone",[427] with political scientist Sami Hajjar arguing that Gaddafi's model of socialism offered a simplification of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels' theories.[428] While acknowledging the Marxist influence on Gaddafi's thought, Bearman stated that the Libyan leader rejected Marxism's core tenet, that of class struggle as the main engine of social development.[429] Instead of embracing the Marxist idea that a socialist society emerged from class struggle between the proletariat and bourgeoisie, Gaddafi believed that socialism would be achieved through overturning "unnatural" capitalism and returning society to its "natural equilibrium".[429] In this, he sought to replace a capitalist economy with one based on his own romanticized ideas of a traditional, pre-capitalist past.[430] This owed much to the Islamic belief in God's natural law providing order to the universe.[431]

Personal life

Gaddafi (right) with Nimeiry and Nasser in 1969

A very private individual,[385] Gaddafi was given to rumination and solitude and could be reclusive.[432] The reporter Mirella Bianco interviewed Gaddafi's father, who stated that his son was "always serious, even taciturn", also being courageous, intelligent, pious, and family-oriented.[433] Gaddafi's friends described him to Bianco as a loyal and generous man.[434] More widely, he was often regarded as being "bizarre, irrational or quixotic".[435] Bearman noted that Gaddafi was emotionally volatile and had an impulsive temperament,[432] with the CIA believing that the Libyan leader suffered from clinical depression.[436] Gaddafi described himself as a "simple revolutionary" and "pious Muslim" called upon by God to continue Nasser's work.[437] Gaddafi was an austere and devout Muslim,[438] although according to Vandewalle, his interpretation of Islam was "deeply personal and idiosyncratic."[206] He was also a football enthusiast[439] and enjoyed both playing the sport and horse riding as a means of recreation.[440] He regarded himself as an intellectual;[441] he was a fan of Beethoven and said his favourite novels were Uncle Tom's Cabin, Roots, and The Stranger.[439]

Gaddafi regarded personal appearance as important,[440] with Blundy and Lycett referring to him as "extraordinarily vain."[442] Gaddafi had a large wardrobe, and sometimes changed his outfit multiple times a day.[442] He favoured either a military uniform or traditional Libyan dress, tending to eschew Western-style suits.[440] He saw himself as a fashion icon, stating "Whatever I wear becomes a fad. I wear a certain shirt and suddenly everyone is wearing it."[442] Following his ascension to power, Gaddafi moved into the Bab al-Azizia barracks, a 6-square-kilometre (2.3 sq mi) fortified compound located two miles from the centre of Tripoli. His home and office at Azizia was a bunker designed by West German engineers, while the rest of his family lived in a large two-storey building. Within the compound were also two tennis courts, a football pitch, several gardens, camels and a Bedouin tent in which he entertained guests.[443] In the 1980s, his lifestyle was considered modest in comparison to those of many other Arab leaders.[444]

He was preoccupied with his own security, regularly changing where he slept and sometimes grounding all other planes in Libya when he was flying.[200] He made particular requests when travelling to foreign countries. During his trips to Rome, Paris, Madrid, Moscow, and New York City,[445][446] he resided in a bulletproof tent, following his Bedouin traditions.[445][447] Gaddafi was notably confrontational in his approach to foreign powers[448] and generally shunned Western ambassadors and diplomats, believing them to be spies.[436]

Gaddafi with Spanish Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero in 2010

Gaddafi has been described as a womanizer.[449] In the 1970s and 1980s, there were reports of his making sexual advances toward female reporters and members of his entourage.[449] Starting in the 1980s, he travelled with his all-female Amazonian Guard, who were allegedly sworn to a life of celibacy.[450] After Gaddafi's death, the Libyan psychologist Seham Sergewa, part of a team investigating sexual offences during the civil war, stated that five of the guards told her they had been raped by Gaddafi and senior officials.[451] After Gaddafi's death, the French journalist Annick Cojean published a book alleging that Gaddafi had had sexual relations with women, some in their early teenage years, who had been specially selected for him.[452] One of those Cojean interviewed, a woman named Soraya, claimed that Gaddafi kept her imprisoned in a basement for six years, where he repeatedly raped her, urinated on her, and forced her to watch pornography, drink alcohol, and snort cocaine.[453] Gaddafi also hired several Ukrainian nurses to care for him; one described him as kind and considerate and was surprised that allegations of abuse had been made against him.[454]

Gaddafi married his first wife, Fatiha al-Nuri, in 1969. She was the daughter of General Khalid, a senior figure in King Idris's administration, and was from a middle-class background. Although they had one son, Muhammad Gaddafi (born 1970), their relationship was strained, and they divorced in 1970.[455] Gaddafi's second wife was Safia Farkash, née el-Brasai, a former nurse from the Obeidat tribe born in Bayda.[456] They met in 1969, following his ascension to power, when he was hospitalized with appendicitis; he claimed that it was love at first sight.[455] The couple remained married until his death. Together they had seven biological children:[440] Saif al-Islam Gaddafi (born 1972), Al-Saadi Gaddafi (born 1973), Mutassim Gaddafi (1974–2011), Hannibal Muammar Gaddafi (born 1975), Ayesha Gaddafi (born 1976), Saif al-Arab Gaddafi (1982–2011), and Khamis Gaddafi (1983–2011). He also adopted two children, Hana Gaddafi, and Milad Gaddafi.[457] Several of his sons gained a reputation for lavish and anti-social behaviour in Libya, which proved a source of resentment toward his administration.[458] His cousin Ahmed Gaddaf al-Dam is Libya's former Special Envoy to Egypt and a leading figure of the Gaddafi regime.[459] He was a key member of Gaddafi's inner circle.[460]

Public image

13th Anniversary of 1 September Revolution on postage stamp, Libya 1982

According to Vandewalle, Gaddafi "dominated [Libya's] political life" during his period in power.[461] The sociologist Raymond A. Hinnebusch described the Libyan as "perhaps the most exemplary contemporary case of the politics of charismatic leadership", displaying all of the traits of charismatic authority outlined by the sociologist Max Weber.[462] According to Hinnebusch, the foundations of Gaddafi's "personal charismatic authority" in Libya stemmed from the blessing he had received from Nasser coupled with "nationalist achievements" such as the expulsion of foreign military bases, the extraction of higher prices for Libyan oil, and his vocal support for the Palestinian and other anti-imperialist causes.[463]

A cult of personality devoted to Gaddafi existed in Libya through most of his rule.[464] His biographer Alison Pargeter noted that "he filled every space, moulding the entire country around himself."[441] Depictions of his face could be found throughout the country, including on postage stamps, watches, and school satchels.[465] Quotations from The Green Book appeared on a wide variety of places, from street walls to airports and pens, and were put to pop music for public release.[465] In private, Gaddafi often complained that he disliked this personality cult surrounding him, but that he tolerated it because the people of Libya adored him.[465] The cult served a political purpose, with Gaddafi helping to provide a central identity for the Libyan state.[432]

Several biographers and observers characterized Gaddafi as a populist.[466] He enjoyed attending lengthy public sessions where people were invited to question him; these were often televised.[467] Throughout Libya, crowds of supporters would arrive at public events where he appeared. Described as "spontaneous demonstrations" by the government, there are recorded instances of groups being coerced or paid to attend.[468] He was typically late to public events, and would sometimes fail to arrive.[469] Although Bianco thought he had a "gift for oratory",[433] he was considered a poor orator by Blundy and Lycett.[111] The biographer Daniel Kawczynski noted that Gaddafi was famed for his "lengthy, wandering" speeches,[470] which typically involved criticizing Israel and the US.[469] The journalist Ruth First described his speeches as being "an inexhaustible flow; didactic, at times incoherent; peppered with snatches of half-formed opinions; admonitions; confidences; some sound common sense, and as much prejudice".[471]

Reception and legacy

Gaddafi was a controversial and highly divisive world figure. Supporters lauded him for his willingness to tackle the unfair economic legacy of foreign domination as well as his support of pan-Africanism and pan-Arabism. Conversely, he was internationally condemned as a dictator whose authoritarian administration violated the human rights of Libyan citizens, persecuted dissidents abroad, and supported international terrorism.

—Yuval Karniel, Amit Lavie-Dinur and Tal Azran, 2015[472]

Gaddafi was a controversial and highly divisive world figure.[472] According to Bearman, Gaddafi "evoked the extremes of passion: supreme adoration from his following, bitter contempt from his opponents".[473] Bearman added that "in a country that formerly suffered foreign domination, [Gaddafi]'s anti-imperialism has proved enduringly popular".[474] Gaddafi's domestic popularity stemmed from his overthrow of the monarchy, his removal of the Italian settlers and both American and British air bases from Libyan territory, and his redistribution of the country's land on a more equitable basis.[474] Supporters praised Gaddafi's administration for the creation of an almost classless society through domestic reform.[475] They stressed the regime's achievements in combating homelessness, ensuring access to food and safe drinking water, and to dramatic improvements in education; under Gaddafi, literacy rates rose significantly, and all education to university level was free.[475] Gaddafi's Great Man-Made River is the world's largest irrigation project.[476] Supporters have also applauded achievements in medical care, praising the universal free healthcare provided under the Gaddafist administration, with diseases like cholera and typhoid being contained and life expectancy raised.[475]

Biographers Blundy and Lycett believed that under the first decade of Gaddafi's leadership, life for most Libyans "undoubtedly changed for the better" as material conditions and wealth drastically improved,[92] while Libyan studies specialist Lillian Craig Harris remarked that in the early years of his administration, Libya's "national wealth and international influence soared, and its national standard of living [had] risen dramatically".[477] Such high standards declined during the 1980s, as a result of economic stagnation;[478] it was in this decade that the number of Libyan defectors increased.[479] Gaddafi claimed that his Jamahiriya was a "concrete utopia", and that he had been appointed by "popular assent",[480] with some Islamic supporters believing that he exhibited barakah.[385] His opposition to Western governments earned him the respect of many in the Euro-American far right,[481] with the UK-based National Front, for instance, embracing aspects of the Third International Theory during the 1980s.[482] His anti-Western stance also attracted praise from the far left; in 1971, the Soviet Union awarded him the Order of Lenin, although his mistrust of atheist Marxism-Leninism prevented him from attending the ceremony in Moscow.[425] First noted that, during the early 1970s, various students at the Paris 8 University were hailing Gaddafi as "the only Third World leader with any real stomach for struggle".[483]

Opposition and criticism

The Libyan anti-Gaddafist movement brought together a diverse array of groups, which had varied motives and objectives.[479] It comprised at least five generations of oppositional forces which included Islamic fundamentalists who opposed his radical reforms, a few active monarchists, members of the old pre-Gaddafist elite, conservative nationalists who backed his Arab nationalist agenda but opposed his left-wing economic reforms, and technocrats who had their future prospects stunted by the 1969 coup.[484] Members of Libya's merchant middle-class were often angered at the loss of their businesses through Gaddafi's nationalization program, while many Libyans objected to Gaddafi's use of the country's oil wealth to fund revolutionary activity abroad rather than domestic development in Libya itself.[485] He also faced opposition from rival socialists such as Ba'athists and Marxists;[486] during the Civil War, he was criticized by both left-of-centre and right-of-centre governments for overseeing human rights abuses.[487] Dubbed the "mad dog of the Middle East" by Reagan,[488] Gaddafi became a bogeyman for Western governments,[473] who presented him as the "vicious dictator of an oppressed people".[480] For these critics, Gaddafi was "despotic, cruel, arrogant, vain and stupid,"[489] with Pargeter noting that "for many years, he came to be personified in the international media as a kind of super villain."[490]

An anti-Gaddafist placard being displayed by demonstrators in Ireland in 2011

According to critics, Libya's people lived in a climate of fear under Gaddafi's administration, due to his government's pervasive surveillance of civilians.[491] Gaddafi's Libya was typically described by Western commentators as a police state,[492] with many U.S. right-wingers believing that Gaddafi was a Marxist-Leninist in a close relationship with the Soviet Union.[493] Gaddafi's state has also been characterized as authoritarian.[494] His administration has also been criticized by political opponents and groups like Amnesty International for the human rights abuses carried out by the country's security services. These abuses included the repression of dissent, public executions, and the arbitrary detention of hundreds of opponents, some of whom reported being tortured.[495] One of the most prominent examples of this was a massacre that took place in Abu Salim prison in June 1996; Human Rights Watch estimated that 1,270 prisoners were massacred.[496][497] Dissidents abroad were labelled "stray dogs"; they were publicly threatened with death and sometimes killed by government hit squads,[498] or returned home by force to face imprisonment or death.[499]

Gaddafi's government's treatment of non-Arab Libyans came in for criticism from human rights activists, with native Berbers, Italians, Jews, refugees, and foreign workers all facing persecution in Gaddafist Libya.[500] Human rights groups also criticized the treatment of migrants, including asylum seekers, who passed through Gaddafi's Libya on their way to Europe.[501] Despite his vocal opposition to colonialism, Gaddafi was criticized by some anti-colonial and leftist thinkers. The political economist Yash Tandon stated that while Gaddafi was "probably the most controversial, and outrageously daring (and adventurous) challenger of the Empire" (i.e. Western powers), he had nevertheless been unable to escape the West's neo-colonial control over Libya.[502] During the Civil War, various leftist groups endorsed the anti-Gaddafist rebels—but not the Western military intervention—by arguing that Gaddafi had become an ally of Western imperialism by cooperating with the War on Terror and efforts to block African migration to Europe.[503] Gaddafi's actions in promoting foreign militant groups, although regarded by him as a justifiable support for national liberation movements, was seen by the United States as interference in the domestic affairs of other nations and active support for international terrorism.[504] Gaddafi himself was widely perceived as a terrorist, especially in the US and UK.[505]

Posthumous assessment

A poster of Gaddafi in Ghadames

International reactions to Gaddafi's death were divided. US President Barack Obama stated that it meant that "the shadow of tyranny over Libya has been lifted,"[506] while UK Prime Minister David Cameron stated that he was "proud" of his country's role in overthrowing "this brutal dictator".[507] Contrastingly, former Cuban President Fidel Castro commented that in defying the rebels, Gaddafi would "enter history as one of the great figures of the Arab nations",[508] while Venezuela's Hugo Chávez described him as "a great fighter, a revolutionary and a martyr".[509] Former South African President Nelson Mandela expressed sadness at the news, praising Gaddafi for his anti-apartheid stance, remarking that he backed Mandela's African National Congress during "the darkest moments of our struggle".[510]

Gaddafi was mourned as a hero by many across sub-Saharan Africa;[511] The Daily Times of Nigeria for instance stated that while undeniably a dictator, Gaddafi was the most benevolent in a region that only knew dictatorship, and that he was "a great man that looked out for his people and made them the envy of all of Africa".[512] The Nigerian newspaper Leadership reported that while many Libyans and Africans would mourn Gaddafi, this would be ignored by Western media and that as such it would take 50 years before historians decided whether he was "martyr or villain".[513]

Following his defeat in the civil war, Gaddafi's system of governance was dismantled and replaced by the interim government of the NTC, which legalized trade unions and freedom of the press. In July 2012, elections were held to form a new General National Congress (GNC), which officially took over governance from the NTC in August. The GNC elected Mohammed Magariaf as president of the chamber, and Mustafa A.G. Abushagur as Prime Minister; when Abushagur failed to gain congressional approval, the GNC elected Ali Zeidan to the position.[514] In January 2013, the GNC officially renamed the Jamahiriyah as the "State of Libya".[515] Gaddafi loyalists then founded a new political party, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Libya; two of its members, Subah Mussa and Ahmed Ali, promoted the new venture by hijacking the Afriqiyah Airways Flight 209 in December 2016.[516] Led by Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, the Popular Front was allowed to participate in the future general election.[517]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ For purposes of this article, 20 October 2011—the date on which Gaddafi died[1]—is considered to be the date he left office. Other dates might have been chosen:
    • On 15 July 2011, at a meeting in Istanbul, more than 30 governments, including the United States, withdrew recognition from Gaddafi's government and recognized the National Transitional Council (NTC) as the legitimate government of Libya.[2]
    • On 23 August 2011, during the Battle of Tripoli, Gaddafi lost effective political and military control of Tripoli after his compound was captured by rebel forces.[3]
    • On 25 August 2011, the Arab League proclaimed the anti-Gaddafi National Transitional Council to be "the legitimate representative of the Libyan state".[4]
    • On 16 September 2011, the United Nations General Assembly sat the representatives of the National Transitional Council as Libya's official delegation.[5]
  2. ^ Modern Standard Arabic: معمر محمد ابو منيار القذافي, romanizedMuʿammar Muḥammad ʾAbū Minyār al-Qaḏḏāfī, IPA: [muˈʕamːar alqaˈðːaːfi] ( listen). Due to the lack of standardization of transcribing written and regionally pronounced Arabic, Gaddafi's name has been romanized in various ways. A 1986 column by The Straight Dope lists 32 spellings known from the US Library of Congress,[6] while ABC identified 112 possible spellings.[7] A 2007 interview with Gaddafi's son Saif al-Islam Gaddafi confirms that Saif spelled his own name Qadhafi[8] and the passport of Gaddafi's son Mohammed used the spelling Gathafi.[9] According to Google Ngram the variant Qaddafi was slightly more widespread, followed by Qadhafi, Gaddafi and Gadhafi.[10][11] Scientific romanizations of the name are Qaḏḏāfī (DIN, Wehr, ISO) or (rarely used) Qadhdhāfī (ALA-LC). The Libyan Arabic pronunciation[12] is [ɡəˈðːaːfiː] (eastern dialects) or [ɡəˈdːaːfiː] (western dialects), hence the frequent quasi-phonemic romanization Gaddafi for the latter. In English, it is pronounced /ˈməmɑːr ɡəˈdæfi/ MOH-ə-mar gə-DAF-ee or /ɡəˈdɑːfi/ gə-DAH-fee.

References

Citations

  1. ^ "Muammar Gaddafi: How He Died". BBC News. 31 October 2011. Archived from the original on 24 March 2016. Retrieved 6 October 2017.
  2. ^ a b Vela, Justin (16 July 2011). "West Prepares to Hand Rebels Gaddafi's Billions". The Independent. London. Archived from the original on 12 May 2012. Retrieved 16 July 2011.
  3. ^ Staff (23 August 2011). "Tuesday, 23 August 2011 – 16:19". Libya Live Blog. Al Jazeera. Retrieved 23 August 2011.
  4. ^ a b "Arab League Gives Its Full Backing to Libya's Rebel Council". The Taipei Times. 26 August 2011. Archived from the original on 3 March 2016. Retrieved 1 September 2011.
  5. ^ "After Much Wrangling, General Assembly Seats National Transitional Council of Libya as Country's Representative for Sixty-Sixth Session". United Nations. 16 September 2011. Retrieved 20 October 2020.
  6. ^ "How are you supposed to spell Muammar Gaddafi/Khadafy/Qadhafi?". The Straight Dope. 1986. Archived from the original on 5 February 2017. Retrieved 5 March 2006.
  7. ^ Gibson, Charles (22 September 2009). "How Many Different Ways Can You Spell 'Gaddafi'". ABC News. Archived from the original on 6 February 2012. Retrieved 22 February 2011.
  8. ^ "Saif Gaddafi on How to Spell His Last Name". The Daily Beast. 1 March 2011. Archived from the original on 6 October 2017. Retrieved 1 September 2011.
  9. ^ Fisher, Max (24 August 2011). "Rebel Discovers Qaddafi Passport, Real Spelling of Leader's Name". The Atlantic. Archived from the original on 5 April 2013. Retrieved 6 October 2017.
  10. ^ Anil Kandangath (25 February 2011). "How Do You Spell Gaddafi's Name?". Doublespeak Blog. Archived from the original on 28 February 2011.
  11. ^ "Google Ngram Viewer".
  12. ^ Pereira, Christophe (2008). "Libya". Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics. Vol. 3. Brill. pp. 52–58.
  13. ^ "The Prosecutor v. Muammar Mohammed Abu Minyar Gaddafi, Saif al-Islam al-Gaddafi and Abdullah al-Senussi". ICC-01/11-01/11. International Criminal Court. 11 November 2011. Archived from the original on 13 November 2016. Retrieved 5 December 2013.
  14. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 33; Kawczynski 2011, p. 9; St. John 2012, p. 135.
  15. ^ Bearman 1986, p. 58; Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 33; Simons 1996, p. 170; Kawczynski 2011, p. 9.
  16. ^ Bearman 1986, p. 58; Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 33; Kawczynski 2011, p. 9.
  17. ^ Elad Benari and Yoni Kempinski (1 March 2011). "'Qaddafi is Jewish and I'm His Cousin'". Arutz Sheva. Retrieved 13 April 2011.
  18. ^ a b c Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 35; Kawczynski 2011, p. 9; St. John 2012, p. 135.
  19. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 35.
  20. ^ Kawczynski 2011, p. 9; St. John 2012, p. 135.
  21. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 35–37; St. John 2012, p. 135.
  22. ^ Bianco 1975, p. 4; Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 37; Kawczynski 2011, p. 4.
  23. ^ a b Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 38–39; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 7–9, 14; St. John 2012, p. 108.
  24. ^ Bianco 1975, p. 5; St. John 2012, pp. 135–136.
  25. ^ a b Bianco 1975, pp. 5–6, 8–9; Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 39; Kawczynski 2011, p. 10; St. John 2012, p. 136.
  26. ^ Bianco 1975, pp. 5–6, 8–9; Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 39; Simons 1996, p. 170; Kawczynski 2011, p. 10; St. John 2012, p. 136.
  27. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 39; Simons 1996, pp. 170–171; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 10–11; St. John 2012, p. 136.
  28. ^ Bearman 1986, p. 58; Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 39–40; Kawczynski 2011, p. 11.
  29. ^ Bearman 1986, p. 58; Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 40; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 11–12; St. John 2012, p. 136.
  30. ^ St. John 2012, p. 136.
  31. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 40; Vandewalle 2008b, p. 10; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 11–12; St. John 2012, p. 136.
  32. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 40; Simons 1996, p. 171.
  33. ^ Simons 1996, p. 171.
  34. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 42–43; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 11–12; St. John 2012, p. 136.
  35. ^ Bearman 1986, p. 58; Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 42–43; Simons 1996, pp. 171–172; Kawczynski 2011, p. 11; St. John 2012, p. 136.
  36. ^ Bearman 1986, p. 58; Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 44; Simons 1996, p. 172; Kawczynski 2011, p. 11; St. John 2012, p. 137.
  37. ^ a b St. John 2012, p. 137.
  38. ^ Harris 1986, pp. 46–47; St. John 2012, p. 138.
  39. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 45; Kawczynski 2011, p. 12; St. John 2012, p. 138.
  40. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 45.
  41. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 46, 48–49; Simons 1996, p. 173.
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Bibliography

Further reading

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Political offices
Preceded by as King of Libya Chairman of the Revolutionary
Command Council of Libya

1969–1977
Succeeded by
Himself
as Secretary General of the
General People's Congress of Libya
Preceded by Prime Minister of Libya
1970–1972
Succeeded by
Preceded by
Himself
as Chairman of the Revolutionary
Command Council of Libya
Secretary General of the
General People's Congress of Libya

1977–1979
Succeeded by
New office Brotherly Leader and Guide
of the Revolution of Libya

1977–2011
Succeeded by as Chairman of the
National Transitional Council of Libya
Diplomatic posts
Preceded by Chairperson of the African Union
2009–2010
Succeeded by